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In thisconnection, the contradictions between the coastal states are even further exacerbated:Iran insists on the withdrawal of American troops, while the Arab states support theAmerican presence as a counterweight to Iranian hegemony.However, reliance solely on the US presence in matters of national and regionalsecurity does not seem appropriate or adequate. Washington in practice in the Syrianconflict and the nuclear deal with Iran demonstrated that it can be a very unpredictableally for its Arab partners.224[ ال مح تم لة وت هدي دات ها اإلي ران ية األ س لحة ت ر سان ةIran's arsenal and potential threats]. [Electronic resource] // سا سا. Post. – URL: https://www.sasapost.com/iran-weapons-arsenal/shtml225Wehrey F. et al.
Saudi-Iranian Relations Since the Fall of Saddam: Rivalry, Cooperation, and Implications forU.S. Policy / RAND Corporation. – Santa Monica, 2009.225The Great Powers in the New Middle East [Electronic resource] // Centre for Strategic & InternationalStudies.– URL: https://www.csis.org/analysis/great-powers-new-middle-east77May 15, 2015 in Camp David ended the joint summit of the United States andthe countries of the Cooperation Council of the Arab States. Note that this was the firstattempt by the United States to “revisit” this international regional organization andimpose Washington’s agenda on it.
Previously, there had simply been no need for this.The member countries of the Cooperation Council were closely tied to the US by aclose strategic partnership, and their principal foreign policy steps were controlled byWashington. The meeting in the new format was proposed precisely because the Gulfcountries are breaking more and more out of American control, which was clearlydemonstrated by the Saudi military operation in Yemen.During the summit, Barack Obama unequivocally made it clear that he had noright to sacrifice a unique historical chance - for the sake of the peace of the leaders ofthe Council - the opportunity to achieve significant results in the nuclear negotiationswith Iran. “I would like to speak very clearly.
The goal of a strategic partnership cannotbe either the preservation of a long-standing confrontation with Iran, or even themarginalization of Iran”, the US president said at that time226. Apparently, B. Obamamanaged to convince his interlocutors that the nuclear agreement does not at all testifyto the “pro-Iranian orientation” of the United States.
As a demonstration of the unity oftheir foreign policy positions, representatives of the Cooperation Council publiclyendorsed Washington's efforts to ensure a positive outcome of the ongoing negotiationswith Iran, saying that a comprehensive and verifiable agreement on the nuclear programwas in their interests too.It is very significant that one of the agreements reached at the summit was anagreement on the joint development of regional missile defense systems and ballisticmissile early detection systems. Some states of the Cooperation Council already havethe necessary defense armament (the Patriot short-range anti-aircraft missile systems inSaudi Arabia, the THAAD high-altitude defense system in Qatar), but the newagreement provides for the deployment of an integrated system providing missiledefense of short, medium and long ranges. These plans take on special significance in226[ ال خ ل يج دول أمن ”ال را سخ“ وا ش نطن إل تزام دي ف يد ك امب ق مة ف ي ي ؤك د أوب اماObama stresses at the Camp Davidsummit Washington's "firm" commitment to the security of the Gulf states] [Electronic resource] // إ سرائ يل أوف ت اي مز.[Times of Israel] – URL: http://ar.timesofisrael.com/أوب اما-ي ؤك د-ف ي-ق مة-ك امب-دي ف يد-ال تزام-وا/78the light of the fact that at the end of 2014 the countries of the Cooperation Council ofthe Arab States agreed to establish a joint armed forces (often interpreted as an Arabversion of NATO).
American defense installations will constitute the basis of theCouncil's anti-missile defense system. It turns out that the main beneficiaries of theagreements concluded at Camp David were American arms suppliers, for which alreadythe countries of the organization are the largest buyers. From this point of view, this isonly a logical continuation of already existing agreements providing for the supply ofarms and the training of military personnel.The United States and the countries members of the Council of Cooperation ofthe Arab States of the Arabian Gulf have confirmed that their relations in the securitysphere are “the basis of strategic partnership and the cornerstone of regional stability”.The missile defense system will cost 25 billion dollars. This amount will befinanced by the countries of the Cooperation Council.
As a result, the Americans onceagain skillfully took advantage of the fears of the elites of the member countries of theCouncil concerning the “Iranian threat”. In the same vein, the Joint Statement envisagesthe provision of permanent military supplies from the United States to the countries ofthe Arabian Gulf.
The countries of the Cooperation Council pledged to spend in the next5 years on the purchase of only naval equipment worth up to 8 billion dollars227. Themain suppliers of arms and military equipment for Bahrain are the United States andBritain.In order to appraise the scope of cooperation between the countries of theCouncil of Cooperation of the Arab States of the Arabian Gulf and the United States inthe sphere of the military-industrial complex and to appreciate the scale of this onesided dependence, it seems appropriate to take a closer look at the example of Bahrain.After the announcement of the intentions of the Air Force of Bahrain, represented by thechief of the planning department of the Air Force of Bahrain, Colonel Salah al-Mansur,about the large-scale modernization of the fleet of aircraft until 2019, the military beganto consider almost exclusively the proposals of American and British companies.227[ ال خ ل يجي ال ت عاون مج لس ق مم أب رز ع لى ت عرفLearn about the most prominent peaks of the Gulf CooperationCouncil][Electronicresource]//ال جزي رة[Theisland]–URL:http://www.aljazeera.net/encyclopedia/events/2016/12/6/ت عرف-ع لى-أب رز-ق مم-مج لس-ال ت عاون-ال خ ل يجي/79As part of the first phase of the Air Force program, Bahrain intended tomodernize the AH-1 Cobra attack helicopters.
It is planned to install new armament andon-board radio-electronic equipment for these machines. F-16C / D Fighting Falconfighters will also be upgraded. Combat aircraft will receive new weapons, avionics,communication systems, sensors and computer systems. The fighters will also have newradars with an active phased array antenna supplied by the American corporationsRaytheon and Northrop Grumman. Finally, the British BAE Hawk training aircraft willbe upgraded, the British party will be supplemented by the supply of Typhoon fighteraircraft. In addition, after 2025, the Bahrain Air Force plans to acquire new fighters,which will be used on a par with the F-5 Tiger II and F-16.
However, as alreadymentioned, the staffing of national aircraft with foreign-made equipment always carriessome risks, but purchases from only one / two partners put the country in a clearlydependent position.Major transactions in the arms market imply a long-term partnership, sincetechnology of this level always requires accompanying contracts for maintenance,training in use, and additional purchase of necessary spare parts.
Thus, your tradingpartner should be sure that the contacts will not be cut off as soon as his competitoroffers hypothetically more favorable terms. Among developing countries, fidelity totheir obligations is particularly appreciated when a geopolitical competitor makesproposals to your ally with responsibilities that are not prescribed in a standardizedcontract.Over the past ten years many countries of the Cooperation Council of the ArabStates of the Arabian Gulf have made efforts to improve relations with Russia.
Thisstrategy was instigated, inter alia, by the notion that the US has recently curtailed itsinvolvement in the region, as a result of which the countries of the Council have soughtto expand their strategic partnership with other key international players. Saudi Arabiaitself has signed an investment agreement with Russia worth 10 billion dollars. In80addition, cooperation continues between the two countries in the field of nuclearinfrastructure development228.Undoubtedly, at present there is a positive dynamic of the development ofrelations between the countries of the Cooperation Council of the Arab States of theArabian Gulf and Russia.
The improvement of relations between the two blocs waspositively evaluated by the residents of the Arabian Gulf region, many of whom hailedcooperation with Russia as a departure from the lopsided orientation towards the UnitedStates. Saudi Arabia also expressed interest in acquiring Russian tactical missilesystems “Iskander-E”229, frigate “Tiger”, air defense systems, as well as other militaryequipment.
According to some reports, Bahrain is also interested in purchasing shortrange air defense systems “Pantsir-C1”230.The Center for Strategic, International and Energy Studies of Bahrain, displayedinterest in Russian military equipment, as well as commercial agreements. This forms adecent stepping stone for cultivating mutually beneficial political interaction in thefuture231. Thus, the concept of the formation of the rudiments of the security systemthrough economic instruments does not cause categorical rejection among the expertcircles of the Kingdom. Consider the following case in point.Since October 2012, the Sudanese leadership has twice allowed the ships of theIranian Navy to go to Port Sudan “with friendly visits”. These visits caused pronouncednervousness in Riyadh and Manama, since all this was happening in close proximity totheir territorial waters.Work with Sudan was conducted immediately in several directions and by 2016the Arabian Gulf countries became the largest investors in the Sudanese economy,especially in the field of agricultural products and trade.
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