диссертация (1169608), страница 18
Текст из файла (страница 18)
The group was an effectiveplatform for developing security measures in the region (monitoring, establishingmilitary contacts).Undoubtedly, an effective system by definition should be inclusive, and in anall-encompassing format, the military-political problems of the region cannot beseparated from socio-economic, energy, confessional or humanitarian ones. Accordingto former Russian Foreign Minister I. Ivanov, the format of the “three baskets”(security, economy and humanitarian cooperation), which became the basis of theHelsinki process in Europe 40 years ago, could, with obvious amendments to theregional specifics, should lie at the heart of any new system of collective security in theMiddle East, if we are ever to build it207.205Обустроить Ближний Восток.
Где искать основы? [Электронный ресурс] // Российский совет помеждународным делам. – URL: http://russiancouncil.ru/analytics-and-comments/analytics/obustroit-blizhniy-vostok-gdeiskat-osnovy/206Сапронова М. Становление новой государственности на Арабском Востоке // Международныепроцессы. 2015, Том 13, №3. С.
26–39.207Три корзины для Ближнего Востока [Электронный ресурс] // Российский совет по международнымделам. – URL: http://russiancouncil.ru/analytics-and-comments/analytics/tri-korziny-dlya-blizhnego-vostoka/70The basic principles of the Helsinki process - the refusal to use force and thethreat of force to resolve disputable problems, respect for sovereignty and territorialintegrity, the commitment to the settlement of territorial and border disputes exclusivelythrough negotiations or other peaceful means, and the conscientious fulfillment ofinternational commitments taken of the modern can work for the Middle East just asthey suited Europe in 1975.Of course, the current military situation in the Middle Eastern sub-system ismuch more complicated and, what’s more, complex than it was on the Europeancontinent in the mid-1970s.
Here, there are neither two military-political blocs rigidlyopposing each other, nor even a system of full-fledged national states that can forceother actors to fulfill certain obligation. And nevertheless, with the mediation of extraregional actors, the regional powers can begin a dialogue on military doctrines, holdregional meetings of defense ministers, establish hot lines between militarydepartments, gradually moving towards “transparency” in the military sphere. Alongthese lines, even taking into account the so called “eastern regional specificities”,arrangements are possible for exchanging preliminary notifications of military exercisesand flights of military aircraft, exchanging observers for exercises, exchanging data onpurchases of large quantities of weapons208.It seems more than urgent to begin the disarmament process in the Middle East,which is becoming one of the most militarized regions in the world209.
The first steps inthis direction could be the creation of demilitarized zones, the prohibition ofdestabilizing accumulations of conventional weapons, including anti-missile weapons, asymmetrical reduction of armed forces by the main military powers of the region andneighboring countries. For example, J. McLaughlin suggests returning to the discussionof plans to turn the region into a zone free of weapons of mass destruction, even if thepractical implementation of these plans will take a long time210.208Rabinovich I. The End of Sykes-Picot? Reflections on the Prospects of the Arab State System [Electronicresource] // The Brookings Institution. - URL: https://www.brookings.edu/research/the-end-of-sykes-picot-reflections-onthe-prospects-of-the-arab-state-system/209A.
Fakhri. Qualitative Military Superiority. / Cairo, - 2015, - 220 р.210McLaughlin J. The Great Powers in the New Middle East [Electronic resource] // The Brookings Institution. –URL: https://www.brookings.edu/research/the-great-powers-in-the-new-middle-east/71The agenda for regional security will be incomplete if it does not includecountering unconventional threats - combating international terrorism, illicit traffickingin arms and drugs, organized crime and illegal migration. Apparently, for each of theseareas, a separate international regime should be established with its own procedures anda unique composition of participants concerned and directly affected. In this context,according to the researchers of MGIMO A.
Fedorchenko and A. Krylov, the states ofthe region can be facilitated by the experience of Moscow, obtained during theformation and operationalization of the formats of the Shanghai CooperationOrganization (SCO) and the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) 211.Otherwise, opposing strategic aspirations, general mistrust, as well as tactics ofreducing security risks at the expense of other participants in economic cooperation, cansignificantly hamper the development of an effective regional security infrastructure.Such a context promotes the development of the Russian concept of achievingsecurity through the economy in the region, which is based on a system of interactionon the principle of pragmatics in trade / finance / economics to pragmatics in politics.Russia has a wide range of competencies that it can offer to regional actors developments in technology, applied scientific research, water use, agriculture,environmental protection, etc.
Cooperative relations and successful businessrelationships with as many legal entities and individuals as possible are needed not onlyfor business, but also for the formation of groups of supporters and agents of influence,as it was in Soviet times212.According to A. Fedorchenko, at this stage, integration is primarily feasible inthe mode of bilateral relations. This form of regional cooperation mainly entailproduction co-operation in the shape of joint production in the manufacturing industry,agriculture, construction of infrastructure facilities213.211Федорченко А.В., Крылов А.В.
Трансформационные процессы на Ближнем Востоке и в СевернойАфрике и национальные интересы России / А.В. Федорченко, А.В. Крылов // Ежегодник ИМИ – 2013. Вып. 1(3). –М.: МГИМО-Университет, 2013. - С. 171-203.212Федорченко А.В. Российские экономические интересы на Ближнем Востоке / А.В. Федорченко // TheMidEast World. - 2013. - № 1. - С. 17-33.213Федорченко А.В. Российские экономические интересы на Ближнем Востоке / А.В. Федорченко // TheMidEast World.
- 2013. - № 1. - С. 17-3372At the same time, the Arab East has already given negative evidence to Russiain terms of its countries’ reliability as economic partners. The events of the "ArabSpring" sharply knocked them out of the ranks of its long-standing partners in economicrelations - Egypt, Libya, Syria, Yemen. Only in Libya, losses are estimated at 4 billiondollars, not counting other costs. Stabilization through security minimizes thisdevelopment, allowing economic interests to organically complement geopolitical ones,strengthening the presence of the state in the region in a non-confrontational way.Thus, the reduction of the level of polarization in the region would mostcertainly meet the interests of the majority of actors in the region and beyond.
Thiswould allow us to return to classical, not crisis, diplomacy. In this context, Russiadeclares its adherence to the rapprochement of regional forces, overcoming theirdifferences in order to combat the growing groups of radical extremists.3.2. Council of Cooperation of the Arab States of the Arabian Gulf as a RegionalMilitary-Political OrganizationThe Council of Cooperation of the Arab States of the Arabian Gulf, includingsix oil-producing states of the region - the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Bahrain,Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, Oman, Qatar, Kuwait, is one of the most consolidated andeffective regional associations214.
The Council was established in February 1981following a meeting in Riyadh, while the first summit meeting (the highest legislativebody of the Council of Cooperation of the Arab States of the Arabian Gulf) was held inMay of the same year in Abu Dhabi. The approved Charter of the organizationidentified the main purpose of its activities, which was by no means limited to pursuinga single defense policy or achieving economic integration. Even then it was noted thatthe activities of the Cooperation Council should not be limited to the geographical214U.S.-Gulf Relations in the Age of Trump: The End of the Trust Deficit? Gerald M.
Feierstein [Electronicresource] // The Middle East Institute.– URL: http://www.mei.edu/content/us-gulf-relations-age-trump-end-trust-deficit73framework defined by its name, but on the contrary - the Council should contribute tothe stability of the entire Arab geopolitical area215.The provisions of the Charter and the activities of the Council of Cooperation ofthe Arab States of the Arabian Gulf are based on the principles of international lawenshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, and wherein the Council itself has thestatus of permanent observer216. Thus, the organization positions itself as an integralpart of a multipolar world, developing a strategic dialogue with partner countriesrepresented by the United States, the EU, Russia (since 2011), China, ASEAN, Turkeyand Latin America.
![](https://s.studizba.com/z.php?f=/templates/si/i/noavatar.png&w=100&h=100&t=1"){kind=avatar}
