диссертация (1169135), страница 43

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These curtains reminded "the position ofthose who always look on life through a veil"550.Leaving the town to spend at gardens or fields was another amusement ofIranian women. Having permission of husbands a group of women with theirchildren could spend a day at someone's garden, believing that garden is nearer toparadise551. In fact, leisure activities were intertwined with their religious beliefs.In the traditional religious culture, there was limited place for pursuit of sensualand material pleasures.Imbalanced opportunities offered to genders and gender separation at leisureseem to be an obvious problem in the traditional culture. Women identified bytheir female gender were not permitted to leisure spaces allocated for men.Restaurants (called kebab pazi), coffee houses (called gahveh khaneh), or gyms(called zurkhaneh) were allotted for men552. They had been built by men for men,who had no concern of female leisure.Traditional discourse regulated leisure time of female sex within theheteronormative structure.

Women spent their spare time with other women whohad accepted the discriminatory practices as natural. Women in their leisureactivities dramatized the conventional norms and performed what the traditionaland religious culture expected them. The leisure performances practiced by womenclassified them under female gender and reinforced their traditional genderidentity.Female sex was the only determining factor of one's way of life,according to which she constructed her identity. The identification as female wasequal to a life void of variety.

All women, regardless of their age, social class,550Rice Colliver C. Persian women and their ways. USA: Seeley, Service & co. limited.1923. p.234Ibid. p. 203..819 ‫ تعداد صفحات‬.2933،‫ نشر رسا‬،2 ‫ جلد‬،‫ کسب و کار‬،‫ زندگی‬:‫ تاریخ اجتماعی تهران در قرن سیزدهم‬،‫ شهری جعفر‬552Shahri J. Social History of Tehran in 13th Century. Rasa Publication, 1991. pp. 398-399.551181personal desires, marital status, ethnicity, etc., were classified under the samegroup and were expected to have common leisure activities.Iranian Women's Work and Leisure after ConstitutionalismThe post-constitutional era did not meet a considerable revolution ofwomen's occupational status.

Under the domination of traditional culture, thefemale sex was given the works ascribed to their f emale nature. The identity of themajority of women was constructed based on the belief on seclusion of women.Therefore, in the patriarchal society of traditional society, the prevailing norm wasdisgrace of working for women. As in recent era, the overall female work forceincluded women of low social class who continued working at lower jobs insidethe houses553.

Still the patriarchal traditional culture, being attributed to Islam,maintained its domination and deprived women of occupational positions. AgainstIslam's recognition of women's right to own their property, the majority of workingwomen suffered from financial dependence to their male supporter554.However, the constitutional revolution had awakening effects on smallnumber of women who were touched by it. The establishment of women'sjournals, societies and girl schools had opened the doors for new socialopportunities for women.

Women worked as school principals, teachers, authors oreditors of journals and newspapers, however, with lower payment compared tomen555. This limited number of women who belonged to elites were challenging todeconstruct the traditional norm that viewed working of women in contrast towomen's modesty556.The most eminent cleric of the Tehran, Sheikh Fazlloah.218-32 ‫ صص‬،2932 ،32 ‫ شماره‬،‫ تاریخ پژوهی‬، ‫ تاثیر نظام قضایی دوره قاجار بر حقوق زن در ایران‬،‫ تاریخ پژوهی‬،‫ پناهی فرنگیس‬553. Panahi F.

The Influence of Qajar The judicial system on Women is Right in Iran. Tarikh Padguhi, No. 64, 2015,pp. 91-108..59-22 ‫ صص‬،2982 ،237 ‫ شماره‬،‫ مجله تعاون‬.‫ خودباوری و تعاون‬،‫ اشتغال زنان‬،‫ نستعین نسرین؛ خورشیدی رزا‬554. Nastaeen N., Khorshidi R. Women's Ocupation, Self Esteem, and Coopration. Taavon, No.167, 2015, pp. 44-53..298-52 ‫ صص‬.2981 .28 ‫ شماره‬،‫ فرهنگ‬.‫ بررسی و تحلیل اجمالی نقش اجتماعی زنان در تاریخ ایران‬،‫ زاهد سعید؛ خواجه نوری بیژن‬555Zahed S.

& Khajehnoori B. Study and Analysis of Women's Social Role in the History of Iran. Farhang, No 48,2004, pp. 51-138.،2939 ،11 ‫ شماره‬،‫ تاریخ اسالم و ایران‬.‫ تحلیل رویکرد متجددانه زنان از دوره مشروطیت‬،‫ رجبلو علی‬،‫ باستانی سوسن‬،‫ امیدی پور زهره‬556.99-5 ‫صص‬182Nuri, believed that women's social involvements "would lead to prostitution,thereby undermining what he saw as the very foundation of Islam" 557 . While thereligious constitutionalists insisted on seclusion of women, the secularized elites,especially some women such as Dolatabadi insisted on education and financialindependence of women. The traditional and modern discourses in competitionattempted to regulate the subjects' performances based on their own regulatoryscript. The socially involved woman who was abjected in the traditional discoursewas aspired by the renewalists.Social involvement became representative of non-traditional female identity.For this group of women working was a way to prove women's underestimatedcompetence.

They demanded the right for equal social opportunities so that theycould demonstrate an independent identity558. The few elite women desperatelystruggled to convince the parliament for women's social and economic rights. Theprevalent ideas about women's essential weakness and physical incapabilityconfined women's social involvement. Besides, being deprived of education,women failed to have required knowledge and skill for occupations.

Therefore, ageneration time would bring educated and consequently more powerful women tooccupational chances. With the majority of traditional thinking, still occupiedwomen enjoyed no intelligibility. "In Butler's terms, for a subject to reachintelligibility identification with the abject of the regulatory ideal has to bepersistently disavowed"559. Working and social participation were performancesdeviated from traditional script. The continuous reiteration of these deviatedperformances would promise a location for the resistant agent.During Pahlavi period, women's incessant struggles to resist the traditionaldiscourse was more ignited and facilitated by the authoritative state that forcefullyOmidi Z. et al .Analysis of Women's Modernized Approaches since Constitutional Revolution.Tarikh-e Islam vaIran, 20, 2013.

pp. 5-33.557Afary. J. Sexual Politics in Modern Iran. Cambridge University Press, 2009. p..218-79 ‫ صص‬.2931 2 ‫ شماره‬.‫ جامعه شناسی تاریخی‬.‫ تحلیل خرده گفتمانهای زنان در دوره مشروطیت‬،‫باستانی سوسن و همکاران‬558Bastani. Susan. & et al. Analysis of Women's Discourses during Constitutional Era. Jame' Shenasi-e tarikhi, No.1,2014, pp.73-108.559Armour E.T., Ville S.M. Bodily Citations: Religion and Judith Butler.

Columbia University Press, 2006. p. 161.183opposed the traditional discourse. For Giddens, structure is simply made -up ofpeople's practices as these occur over time". But, people make society through"resources and materials"560. Women as subjects, equipped by resources ofknowledge and state support, display their agency performing actions that in termsof Butler, troubled the established conventions.The first Pahlavi dynasty revealed to be a transformative era in the history ofIranianwomen'smovementtowardtakingoccupationalchances.Theestablishment of European-like bureaucracy in 1922 gave opportunity for womento be employed officially for the first time in Iranian history561.To build a modernwesternized state, the king, attempted to break the seclusionary walls surroundingwomen.

"Women's participation in the workforce, particularly in the bureaucracy,in teaching and in factories was supposed to help build the Iranian sate"562. Whilethe traditional discursive structure still insisted on seclusion of women, thenewfound discourse believed on the essentiality of women's social participation.Female sex was the site of power for both discourses competing to produce andregulate a female identity according to their own normative constrains. Women'sidentity as traditional or modern could be represented in their seclusion oroccupation. Iranian women to be identified as modern "would be gainfullyemployed and would enjoy a greater civic presence".563The state's attempts to modernize the country through bringing women tosocial arenas did not neglect women's main role as mothers, wives andhousekeepers.

The emphasis on women's education was not primarily forequipping women with skill and knowledge to be socially involved; rather, theywere supposed to learn science of domesticity for appropriate house managing564.One of the elites of the era, Kasravi, writes, "Women's natural work is560Inglis D. An Invitation to Social Theory.

John Wiley & Sons, 2013. p.276.Abrahamian E. Iran Between Two Revolutions. Princeton University Press, 1982. p.136.562Ansari S., Martin V. Women, Religion and Culture in Iran. UK: Curzon Press. 2002. p. 102.563Amin C.P. Propaganda and Remembrance: gender, education, and “the women's awakening” of 1936. Journal ofIranian Studies, No.32, 1999. pp. 351-386.564Najmabadi A. Women with Mustaches and Men without Beards: Gender and Sexual Anxieties of IranianModernity. Berkley: University of California Press, 2005.pp.194-197.561184housekeeping and child-rearing".

He believes in some especial cases, such asparticular professions, and in the case of necessity, that women can work 565.Women doing the actions of caregivers are, in terms of Butler, dramaticallyperforming the actions "that has been going on before one arrieved on thescene"566. Through such rehearsal of acts, they are reassuring both the stability ofthe heteronormative gender roles and their intelligibility of identity. The culturalidentity of modern Iranian woman was redefined as socially involved, "educatedmothers", and "submissive wives". The coexistence of traditional and moderncultural identity created a modernization specific to Iran.

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