диссертация (1169135), страница 42
Текст из файла (страница 42)
Thescandalous suggestion of whoreness tainted female dancing and singing since then.A European traveler describes the indecency of dancing at East, writing thatIranian men never dance. Only trollops dance541.High-class women and women of court (harem) owned their properties.They usually endowed their assets for building mosques, inns, or seminaries or anybuilding of public benefits. Although endowment was in hope of eternal rewards, itexecuted the endower from taxes and saved the property from the possibleconfiscation542. Court women, though had overcame the class subordination,usually doomed to gender subordination. The high amount of endowments vividlyindicate their incapability of owning or dealing their properties.Since the main purpose of the life of female sex was to get married at theproper age, she did not need any especial skill or education.
They did not look forcareers; they worked inside the houses only at times of necessity. Women's worksrequired no outstanding skill or education.Women not owning their income failed to develop an independent identityfor themselves through their works. Womanly works inside the houses wereperformances satisfying gender expectations of society. Their works seem to beanother form of domestic responsibilities added to their household drudgery thatfulfills the family needs without being paid.
They were suffering from both class صص،2935 ،15 شماره، فرهنگ پژوهش، وضعیت اقتصادی زنان در عهد صفویه از منظر سفرنامه نویسان خارجی، احمدی گسمونی فاطم ه541.251-223Ahmadi F. Women's Economical State During Safavi Era From the viewpoint of Foreign Travelogue Writers .Farhang-e pajuhesh, No. 25, 2017, pp.119-150..53-28 صص.2988 ،33 شماره، وقف میراث جاودان، زنان واقف در عصر صفوی، حیدریان زهرا542Heidarian Z. Endower Women During Safavi Era. Vagf miras-e javdan, No.
66, 2010, pp. 48-59.177subordination and gender subordination. Performing lower jobs at genderdiscriminated spheres reinforced their female gender identity. The discursivelyconstructed gender stereotypes condemned women for works that agree to theiressentially called female nature. Women sorting themselves to feminine worksperformed the norms and preserved the stable female gender identity. Williamshold that women are described as "more sensual, caring, neat, patient, andrespectful for others"543.
These features has established norms about womanly jobsand a marginalized place for working women. Women both in their housework andin economic participations repeated the performances that constructed traditionalfemale identity.The subjects' repetitions guaranteed the reproduction of thetraditional culture and gave them a viable identity in that discourse. Women'sworks were reification of seclusionary gender norms constructing a subordinatedand isolated female identity.
The traditional discourse give rise to theperformances that are conventionally called womanly. As long as they performedthe predetermined roles, they had the stable intelligible traditional identity.Aristocratic women, disgracing work, enjoyed a 24-houre leisure time,while lower class women were charged with household duties as well as the worksto help the family financially. However, this class of women also had times to beaway from work. Though leisure in its modern sense seems incompatible fortraditional cultures, there were ways that women filled their spare time.
Theymight have been unconscious of the relieving effects of leisure on their mind andsoul; they managed leisure times as amusements either to fill their free times or todistance from life toils. In their tedious and dull life, they experienced noexcitement or emotions. The upper class women did "nothing, but sleep and eatand wonder what to eat for the next meal", and the lower class women were livinga misery.Women's leisure time activities were located both inside and outside thehouses.
Observing special norms and conditions, they were permitted to appear543Williams Ch., Dellinger K. Gender and Sexuality in the Workplace. USA: Emerald Publishing Group, 2010. p. 7.178outside the house. Their facial veil supplemented to their head- to-toe chadorsguarded them inside their portable walls and let them stroll in alleys and streets.They could leave the houses not individually, but accompanied with other women,and were expected to return before darkness544.
Their emergence outside thehouses was mainly for shopping, going to public bath, visiting relations andfriends, pilgrimage to holy shrines and graves, or attending religious ceremonies.Women enjoyed only-women gatherings where they ate sweets, nuts, dranktea and smoked Kalyans. Gossiping was the main feature of the gathering, duringwhich younger women were expected to be silent and listen. Their incessant idlechatters were about marriage, children, or husbands545.Women frequently left the houses for bazars.
Women in groups, whileenveloped in chadors, moved through narrow lanes of bazars, chattering togetherand dropping in many shops and bargaining.According to the accounts ofEuropean travelogues, wandering at bazars was not mainly for shopping; itsatisfied their need for socialization546.Colliver Rice, an English travelogue writer, reports, "Visits to hammam orpublic baths are among the most exciting happenings in the lives of Persianwomen of all classes". Taking a bath was not only for the purpose of cleansing; asan opportunity to meet friends and gossip, it seemed pleasant to fill the dull lives.They also visited public baths at especial occasions, such as betrothals, weddingsor preparation for the New Year festivals"547.The most active and exciting part of a woman's life was attending atMuharram ceremonies.
It took for two months during which they wore only black، زن در توسعه و سیاست، روند تحوالت تاریخی فضاهای گذران اوقات فراغت زنان از قاجاریه تاکنون در شهر تهران، پور احمد ساالروندیان544.72-52 صص،2932 ،9 شمارهPoorahmad A., Salarvandian F. A Study of changes in Leisure Places for Women: from the Qajar Era to the PresentTime in Tehran. Zan dar Tooseh e va Siyasat, 3, 2012, p. 51-74..128-112 ،2939 ،33 شماره، فصلنامه عاوم اجتماعی، نگاهی جامعه شناختی به فراغت زنان در دوران قاجار، شفیعی سمیه سادات545Shafiee S.S.
Sociological Study of Women's Leisure During Qajar Era. Faslname-e Olum-e Ejtemaee, No. 6, 2015,pp.201-248.. 38 ص،2975 ، حوزه هنري سازمان تبلیغات: تهران، زن در دوره قاجاریه،دلریش بشري546Delrish B. Women During Qajar Era. Tehran: howze-e honari, 1997, p. 68.547Rice Colliver C. Persian women and their ways. USA: Seeley, Service & co. limited.1923. p.200.179and attended at places that held mourning services. Women, cloaked in chadors,were segregated from men to be placed at places allocated for them.
Competitionover the best sitting place was a common happening. Along with loud weeping forthe martyrdom of Imam Hussein, they went on gossiping. Drinking tea and coffeeor smoking kalyan, before the beginning of the elegy ceremony was alsoprevalent548. Gertrud Bell, a travelogue writer, compares these women in blackchadors and white veils to "shapeless black and white parcels set in rows […]looking for all the world. Their rocking themselves to and fro in agony of grief wasthe burst of latent emotions549. The most enthusiastic part was the miraclesperforming the life of the Imam. These plays might remind a Christian the miraclesor mystery plays performed during middle Ages in Europe. Even Rice confirmsthat against the dramatic defects of this theater, "attraction it certainly has".Fig.
13. Veiled women at the campus of Muharram ceremony.2988 ،1 شماره، فصلنامه علوم انسانی دانشگاه الزهرا، جهان سنت و گذار از آن، فردیت: تکاپوی زنان عصر قاجار،ترابی فارسانی سهیال548.19-2 صصTorabi Farsani S. The Dynamics of Women in the Qajar Period: Individuality, the World of the Tradition, andTransition therefrom.
The Humanities Quarterly of al-Zahra Univeristy, Vol. 2, 2009. pp. 1-23.549Bell G. Persian Pictures. London: Anthem Press, First published 1894, 2005. p. 27.180At these theatres, held at compounds, women were seated together inespecial places at the campus or in the rooms, where some curtained windowswere reserved for upper class women.