диссертация (1169135), страница 41

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Their deviated repetition of the practice of veilinghas produced a new female identity and the prevalent norm of fashion hijab.Stylized veiling reveals to be the epitome of modernization and resistance againstthe imposed rule of veiling. In contrast to the colorful scarves, the wearers of blackchador signify royalty to Islamic discourse. Resisting Western "cultural invasion",they preserve their religious identity.

Although the produced gap between themodernized and tradition female identity is visible in their veiling style, at social orcultural arenas, such as universities or occupation, they are together, revealing thatveiling has not been a hinder on their social participation, though it is regarded asan obstruct on the women's liberty of dressing choice.2.3. Iranian women's cultural identity in relationto their work and leisure timeWork, like food is essential part of an adult life. It not only produces goods,but also, it helps produce people.

That is work gives identity to people 526. Watsondefines work as "the carrying out the tasks which enable people to make a livingwithin the social and economic context in which they are located". It is a task"associated with people making living"527.In gathering and hunting societies "a gender-based division of labor"dominated.

Neither interest nor aptitude, but the "ascribed characteristics" of beingmale or female determined the type of the job. Hunting that entailed strength and526Gini A. Work, Identity and Self: How we are Formed by the Work We do. Journal of Business Ethics, 17, 1998,pp.707-714.527Watson T.J. Sociology, Work and Industry. Routledge, 2008. P.1-2.173mobility had cultivated the belief in stable biological differences that left no placefor acquired competence for a job.528"As with race and ethnicity, gender continues to be a powerful influence onwork, particularly in regard to occupational differentiation ". The "different waysthat boys and girls are socialized" results to gender-based segregation of jobs529.Housework or nursery though can be an employment for house cleaners andbaby sitters are generally and routinely taken place by wives and mothers with noexpectation for payment or any other material reward.

The unlimited labor thateach edge of this triangle of husband, kids, and household demands are verynatural of female sex and has become invisible work.Housework as an unpaid work, which has limited association with socialactivity fails to have a role in one's social position. However, Brown believes,"Without the enormous and unremitting cycle of domestic labor the formaleconomy of jobs and pay packets would cease to function"530.Leisure refers to "what people plan and do when they believe themselves tobe free"531. Eliciting senses of calm and pleasure, "it is secret of healthy mind andbody"532. "Leisure exists when people perceive themselves as freely choosing anactivity that is simultaneously enjoyable and intrinsically motivated.It is anonobligatory activity chosen freely and done at free time. As the action chosenfreely in free time, it is associated with freedom that naturally varies in meaning indifferent cultures.

The individual can do whatever she likes in her free time aslong as her choices are in agreement with her competence as a subject of aparticular discourse. In fact, the rules and available resources define the spheres ofthe individual's leisure activity. "Leisure time and space are continually made andremade by actions of people in their social worlds"533.528Volti R. An Introduction to the Sociology of Work and Occupations. Los Angles, London: SAGE. 2012. Secondedition. pp. 3-4.529Ibid. p.

277530Brown R. The Changing Shape of Work. Springer, 2016. P.3.531Rojek С., Shaw S., Veal A. A Handbook of Leisure Studies. Palgrave McMillian, 2006. p.1.532Ibid. P. 2.533Ibid. P. 11.174Rojec calls "leisure as the focal point of identity"(p.104) since it is the realmof cultural representations. As chosen freely, and at the same time bounded tosocial and cultural norms, any leisure activity identifies the individual with theregulatory discourse that shapes her.Some researchers believe that the term leisure has been thrust on nonWestern cultures"534.

However, "the relative freedom that people expect in theirleisure and the potential for enjoyment exist in all cultural contexts"535.Stebbins, working on theories of leisure for 35 years has classified threetypes of leisure: serious leisure, casual or non-serious leisure, and project-basedleisure.

Serious leisure is "systematic pursuit of an amateur, hobbyist, or volunteercore activity that is highly substantial, interesting, and fulfilling and where, in thetypical case, participants find a career in acquiring and expressing a combinationof its special skills, knowledge, and experience"536. Casual leisure is "immediately,intrinsically rewarding, relatively short-lived pleasurable activity, requiring little orno special training to enjoy it"537. Project-based leisure is a new term. It refers to "ashort-term, moderately complicated, either one-shot or occasional, thoughinfrequent, creative undertaking carried out in free time"538.

It needs some effort,knowledge and skill or a background preparation, but unlike serious leisure, itcannot be turned to a career.The following section applying performative theory of Butler andstructuration of Giddens, examines Iranian women's cultural identity in associationwith their work and leisure.

By work, it refers to women's paid social works, whileconcerning their domestic works. Leisure includes spare time when women are notworking. Work and leisure activities are regarded as performances that contribute534Ibid. P. 11.Ibid. P. 12.536Stebbins R.A. Amateurs, Professionals and Serious Leisure. Montreal, QC: McGill-Queen's University Press.1992. P.3.537Stebbins R.A.

Serious Leisure: A Perspective for Our Time. Transaction Publishers, 2007. P. 38.،‫ سبک گذران اوقات فراغت از دیدگاه اندیشمندان علوم اجتماعي و آموزه هاي اسالمي‬،‫ بانكي پورفرد امیرحسین؛ رباني اصفهاني حوریه‬538.211-219 ‫ صص‬،2939 ،211 ‫ شماره‬،‫پژوهش های اجتماعی اسالمی‬Bankipurfard A., Rabbani H. Leisure Time Style from the Standpoint of Sociologists and Islamic Instructions.Pajuheshhaye Ejtemaee va Islami, No. 100, 2015, pp. 103-122.535175construction of women's identity.

To study transformation of women's identity, theauthor explores the deferred effects of performances and the way the deviatedperformances establish new norms and new intelligible identities.Iranian Women's Cultural Identity in relation to their Work and Leisure beforeConstitutionalismUrban aristocrat Iranian women rarely did any housework or any social oreconomic activities. Disgracing labor, they employed maids and baby sitters fortheir household drudgery.The lower classes and countryside women, however, performed householdlabor as well as economic activities.

Urban women who participated in economicactivities belonged to lower classes. Their works were contribution to familyincome. These women as the labor force inside the houses practiced the worksregarded as womanly. Women certainty had no place in major works belonging tomale domain. The works that were largely practiced within the houses includedworks such as spinning, carpet weaving, embroidery, textile weaving,needlepointing, sewing, traditional midwifery, and teaching recitation of Quran forkids539.

Peasantry women, however, after completing household works, left theirhouses and worked at farms or at forestry works. In general, lower class women'splace at occupational positions was marginalized though financially it wasprofitable. Working did not guarantee them a social identity. They were any waydoomed to be submissive wives and daughters, with no right to enjoy theirincome540.، ‫ مجله مطالعات فرهنگی اجتماعی خراسان‬.‫فرهنگی زنان در دوره قاجاریه‬-‫ بررسی مشارکت اقتصادی‬،‫ ناصری اکرم؛ سیروسی راضیه‬539.122-273 ‫ صص‬.2987 ،3 ‫ و‬8 ‫شماره‬Naseri A., Sirousi R.

Examination of Women's Social and Cultural Involvment During Qajar Dynasy. Motaleat-efarhangi ejtemaee, No. 8&9, 2009, pp. 179-211..271 – 255 ‫ صص‬، 32،،2932 ‫ شماره‬،‫ تاریخ پژوهی‬،‫ زن ایرانی از دیدگاه سفرنامه نویسان خارجی دوره قاجار‬،‫ فصیحی زاده اعظم‬540Fasihizade A. Iranian Woman from the Standpoint of Foreign Travelogue Writers.

Tarikh pajuhi, No. 64, 2016, pp.155-172.176In addition to works that were artistic craft productions or agriculturalproducts, sex working was also included as a job and the prostitutes as the workershad to pay taxes. The practice of using female body for pleasure of men, thoughdegraded, had turned to be a market place. Even the religious Safavi Dynasty didnot oppose brothels due to the high taxes they imported to the court. Theprostitutes were also occupied at dancing, singing and playing music.

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