диссертация (1169135), страница 36
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G. Women in Iran from 1800 to the Islamic Repubic. Chicago: Illinois University Press. 2004. p.22.462Sedghi H. Women and Politics in Iran: Veiling, Unveiling, and Reveiling. Cambridge University Press, 2007.p.88.153of women and substitution of European-style hat were the basic grounds of breachbetween the king and the clergies.Modern dressing code taken enthusiastically by educated women graduallyresulted in a visible gap between women of modern and traditional culturalidentity. Women in Western style dressing embedded an identity that physicallyand mentally separated them from conventionally veiled women. "However, thenumber of women sharing this liberation was small"463.People and clergies under the order of religious authorities stageddemonstrations to protest against secularized policies of the king.
One of theseuprisings happened in the Goharshad mosque, located in a holy shrine.Disregarding the sacredness of the place, the forces shoot the unarmed crowd464.(Today the anniversary of massacre at Goharshad is celebrated as the day of"hijab").Unlike the king's attempts to westernize the out-ward surface of society, theideological attitudes of most people remained unaffected465.
According to Rubin,these westernizing processes destabilized the king's regime, which was alreadypreserved as being too influenced by western ideas466.With the death of Reza Shah, the law of unveiling lost its despotic center.His son, the successor, though intended to promote westernized unveilingencountered pressures from clergies to lift the ban on veils"467. Finally, in 1941"the law of compulsory unveiling was abolished"468.
Veiled women who hadresided inside the houses emerged in the public along with unveiled women.However, women who were present at universities, schools or occupation weremainly unveiled. As the modern institutes practicing under the regulatory regime463Nashat G. Women and Revolution in Iran. The University of California, Westview Press. 1983.
p. 27.Hunter Sh. Iran Divided: The Historical Roots of Iranian Debates on Identity, Culture, and Governance in theTwenty-First Century. New York. Rowman and Littlefield. 2014. P.87.465Ansari S., Martin V. Women, Religion and Culture in Iran. UK: Curzon Press. 2002. p.
206.466Rubin B. The Middle East: A Guide to Politics, Economics, Society, and Culture. Routledge, 2012. p. 500.467Milani. A. Eminent Persians: The Men and Women who Made Modern Iran, 1941-1979: in Two Volumes,Volume 1. Syracuse University Press. 2008. p. 120.468Farahani. F. Gender, Sexuality, and Diaspora. New York, Routledge. 2017. p. 73.464154of the state, they rarely had any place for veiled women. The modernizededucational institutes such as universities that from their early foundations wereassociated with westernization were in contrast to the traditional discourse.Traditional families hardly permitted their daughters attend school or university.Consequently, the unveiled women were identified as modern and educatedwomen who had a social status.
In contrast, veiled women had a traditional,religious marginalized identity. Veiling as a visible signifier referred not only togender identity but also to the cultural identity of women.Veiling of women during this era differed from the recent black chador andfacial veil. Colorful chadors revealed to be more prevalent. However, thewesternizing ideals of the first Pahlavi dynasty were preserved, yet in differentpolicies.
The state invoke not to force but to cultural mediums to spread unveiling.Educational institutes, mass media such as television, cinemas, and press wererequired to promulgate the norm of unveiling469. In 1978, a plan was passed by thestate outlining the short-term and long-term measures aimed at confronting thedisgraceful veiling. It comprised both practical and cultural procedures.Accordingly, all cultural institutes including press, radio and Television as well asschoolbooks were required to display chador as a cumbersome clothing.
Inaddition, women in chador were deprived of attending schools, universities,libraries, cinemas, official organizations, or of using public transportation even theair travel470. Abandonment of veil chiefly chador qualified women to be identifiedas viable subjects. Veiled women who were identified as religious women weredowngraded by the state.
The intelligible female identity was defined as unveiledsocially active women. At the same time, duties of women as the mothers of the گنجینه اسناد سال بیست و سوم، علل و پیامدهای شکل گیری پدیده کشف حجاب در دوران پهلوی،شهرام نیا امیرمسعود؛ زمانی نجمه سادات469.85-31 ص،83 شماره2931 بهارShahramnia. A., Zamani. N. The Causes and Consequences of Unveiling During Pahlavi Era.
Ganjin e Asnad. 2012.No. 23, pp. 62-85.، بانوان شیعه،) حجاب در ایران ( بررسی وضعیت حجاب در ایران از سال های اخر حکومت پهلوی دوم تا پایان جنگ تحمیلی،رمضانی رضا470.183-152 صص،2983 ،22 شمارهRamezani. R. Hijab in Iran. Refection on Iranian Women's Hijab Since the Final Days of Second Pahlavi to the Endof Imposed War. Banovan-e shia, No. 11, 2007, pp. 251-289.155new generation inside the house were underlined471.
The female gender ideals thatWesterns had constructed also idealized in modernizing discourse of the country,and the subjects were copying this constructed copy to gain identity. Whileindorsing the ideas of women's emancipation and social activities, Second Pahlavidiscourse emphasized on women's modesty. With the centrality of Pahlavidiscourse female sex signified being unveiled but modest, as well as being sociallyactive but devotedly wife and mother.While Reza Shah confronted any kind of veiling, his successor mainlyopposed the traditional chador.
The resistance of the majority of women toperform the modern norm of unveiling had proved that the mainstream of peoplewelcomed the religious identity. Therefore, second Pahlavi's plan of unveilingemphasized taking advantage of institute of religion.
It entailed clergies' writtenand spoken speech of some known clergies who could distinguish hijab andchador472. However, the plan failed due to the revolutionary actions of people.Although family protection law and the right to vote were new opportunity,"the dictatorial character of this regime too did not leave any room for independentwomen's activities". Women's organization was limited to an organization that waslinked to the state. However, the active agents of this organization (WOI)composed of educated middle and upper-middle class women. Women'sparticipation in protests emanated from dissatisfactions with the regime, includinggender-based dissatisfactions473.
According to Paidar women were suffering fromsexual harassment at employment and university. They were regarded lessknowledgeable than men were, and were absent from top jobs or study fields thatwere masculine. In addition, the attendance of veiled women at work or university امام خمینی(ره) و برساخت هویت زنانه در انقالب اسالمی چگونگی واسازی، کوثری مسعود ؛ تفرشی امیرعلی ؛ سادات علوی نکو معصومه471.957-917 ص،2933 پاییز،9 شماره،25 دوره، زن در توسعه و سیاست،)گفتمان پهلوی دوم و هژمونی معنایی امام خمینی(رهKothari. M. et al. Imam Khomeini and Construction of Post- Revolutionary Female Identity and Deconstruction ofSecond Pahlavi Discourse. Zan dar Tosee va Siyasat, 3, 2017, pp.
327-357.472Ibid.473Gorashi. H.Identities and the sense of belonging: Iranian women activists in exile. / edited by Philomena Essed,Georg Frerks, Joke Schrijvers. Refugees and the Transformation of Societies: Agency, Policies, Ethics and Politics.New York: Oxford, Berghahn Books. 2005. 106-119.156was prohibited because veil was "a political statement against the state-propagateimage of womanhood"474.The forced Westernization of Pahlavi regime degrading people's culturalidentity and neglecting their religious identity mainly through unveiling womenpaved the way for their own self-destruction.Veiling and Iranian Women's Cultural Identity During and After IslamicRevolution (the current age)The revolutionary actions bridged the produced gap between women ofmodernized and traditional identity. Both veiled and unveiled women joined inrevolutionary practices.
"The mass demonstrations of 1978 marked the first timethat women from different strata of society extensively joined the protest"475. Someeducated unveiled women, such as a Western-educated poet named TahereSaffarzade, voluntarily veiled. The veil no longer signified religious and traditionalidentity constraining social intercourse; instead, it became a medium of socialcommunication. "It represented strong political and ideological connotations thatchallenge class privilege, sexual license, corruption, and above all rejection ofWestern domination". For them, veiling was not a retrogressive, but a progressiveaction toward a new society through revival of Islam that would save country from"cultural imperialism" of West476. According to Sullivan "The chador, forbiddenby Reza Shah[…], associated with the backward and downtrodden during thePahlavi era, was later used as an emblem of revolutionary protest by women of allcastes and classes who marched against the Pahlavi regime"477.474Paidar.
P. Woman and the Political Process in Twentieth Century Iran. Cambridge University Press, 1997. p.165Gorashi. H.Identities and the sense of belonging: Iranian women activists in exile. / edited by Philomena Essed,Georg Frerks, Joke Schrijvers. Refugees and the Transformation of Societies: Agency, Policies, Ethics and Politics.New York: Oxford, Berghahn Books.
2005. 106-119.476Millani F. Words Not Swords: Iranian Women Writers and the Freedom of Movement (Gender, Culture, andPolitics in the Middle East). Syracuse University Press, 2011. p.153.477Sullivane Z. Eluding the Femiinist, Overthrowing the Modern: Transformations in Twentiith Century Iran./ In B.Smith(ED), Global feminism since 1945. New York: Routledge, 2000.
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