диссертация (1169135), страница 34
Текст из файла (страница 34)
Unlike her attempts to criticize the society's cultural standardsin order to enfranchise women's social status, she failed to gain a noticeablelegislation among women. It is assumed that her conversion from Islam to Babismdisgraced her in the eyes of women who were generally Muslims.
Considering thetraditional social discourse of the time, when there was no cultural communicationbetween Iranians and the modern Western world, her unveiling seems to beassociated more with her Babi religion. She failed to impress Muslim women to لباس سنتی و لباس:مطالعه موردی: مطالعه تطبیقی پوشاک بانوان قاجار قبل و بعد از سفر ناصرالدین شاه به فرنگ.اباذری مانا؛ طیبی حبیب هللا4402933 بهار و تابستان، شماره سیزدهم، ترویجي پژوهش هنرسال هفتم- دو فصلنامه علمی.تجدد بانوانAbazari M. Tayebi H. Comparative Study of Qajar Women’s Clothing before and after Nasser-Din Shah’s Trip toEurope (Case Study: Women’s Traditional and Modern Clothing).
Pajoheshe Honar, No 7, 2017. pp. 15-30.441Sedghi H. Women and Politics in Iran: Veiling, Unveiling, and Reveiling. Cambridge University Press, 2007.p.51.442Milani F. Veils and Words: The Emerging Voices of Iranian Women Writers. Syracuse University Press, 1992.p.58.145follow her in opposing the veiling443. Her body and words were silenced and todayvery few pieces of her poetry remain.However, when unveiling as a norm was introduced by a regulatorydiscourse such as the modernizing discourse, it developed more effectivelybecause those who wanted to be identified with that discourse had to follow thatnorm. The king Reza Shah to establish an immediate modernized countryattempted to erode any visible symbol of tradition, including women's veil andmen's native attire and replaced them with westernized dressing code444.
"In 1936,at a graduation ceremony at the Women's Teachers' Training College in Tehran,Shah announced unveiling". Women's dressing code conducted immediately by thestate involved European style hats, coats, and gloves in public and private mixedgatherings. It removed the traditional chador or facial veil worn by some, leavingthe neck, parts of legs and hair uncovered445.Fig. 7.
Unveiled Iranian women during Reza Shah Dynasty.283-259 ص،2939 ،1 شماره،21 دوره، زن در توسعه و سیاست، دیرینه شناسی حجاب در ایران، زایری قاسم443Zaeri Q. Genealogy of Unveiling in Iran. Zan dar Tosehe va Siyasat, No. 2, 2014. Pp.153-186.444Fathi A. Women and the Family in Iran. Netherlands: Leiden University Publication. p. 109.445Cornine S.
The Making of Modern Iran: State and Society under Riza Shah, 1921-1941. Routledge, 2003. Pp.167168.146Veiling represented backwardness and as a religious convention, it had noplace in westernized modernity. Leila Ahmed argues that since the establishmentof colonization, European governments, as the colonial powers in Muslim societiesconstructed an "inferior" "humiliating" image of veil that signified "backwardness"of uncivilized colonized people. The dominance of Western discourse infused itsexposures that veiling was a hamper impeding their way toward civilization.Consequently, the dominant Western hegemony sought unveiling of women andreplacing it with the idealized Victorian women's dressing style that assured themcivilized and westernized identity.
Ahmed noticeably informs that androcentriccolonial establishments constructed the idea that the progress of women's statusdemands unveiling446. Hoodfar also asserts that Veiling had emerged in westernsocieties as an emblem of backwardness. Iranian elite reformers of the time toemulate the image of backwardness from the western minds pressed forunveiling447.Although, literally the reason behind the state's forceful decree of unveilingwas to emancipate women from the traditions, it imposed the substitute chain ofmandatory unveiled dressing code. Female sex was a site where competingdiscourses exercised power on.
The disciplinary practices imposed on female sexdetermined dressing code of Iranian woman, subordinating her to male dominatedsociety. As the bearers of the country's cultural and political emblems, they wereonce subjugated to religious and traditional discourse of the country and now theyare unpacked to represent its modernization.
It can be claimed that since theunveiling decree, veiling, a religious and moral code, turned to be politicized.The struggle between secularized state and religious authorities representeditself in women's veil. The strict measures taken against veiling during Reza Shah,reveals the way women were manipulated by the dominant authority that deprived446Ahmed L. Women and Gender in Islam: Historical Roots of a Modern Debate.
New Haven: Yale UniversityPress. 1992. pp. 164-166.447Hoodfar H. The Veil in Their Minds and on Our Heads: Veiling Practices and Muslim Women. In: Castelli E.A.(eds) Women, Gender, Religion: A Reader. Palgrave Macmillan, New York, 2001. 576p.147them of control over their dressing. Like the British administrators in Egept, theWestern-backed regime in Iran felt that it knew what was best for women and usedforce and police to unveil women"448.
The king in attempt to modernize andwesternize the face of country, ordered strict confrontation of policies against thisgroup. The officials were dismissed or fined in case of their wives' veiledappearance in public. The police stopped veiled women to pull off and tear theirscarf. They would break into private houses in search of chadors and arrestingveiled women. They would attack the veiled women in stinging disdain to tear theobstructs of civilization.
Veiled women were prevented from public places such asrestaurants and cinemas, even public baths, in times that people rarely had bath intheir house. To burden a negative meaning to veil, prostitutes were banned fromunveiling449. The veil that identified a woman as a prostitute is not supposed tohave a meaning associated with moral codes.It can be claimed that the state's unveiling act or its support from women'sright had been mainly motivated by the king's modernization desires. Amin statesthat the new laws legislated in favor of women such as marriage law, "did providemodern Iranian womanhood with the beginnings of the alliance it craved with thestate.
It also provided the Pahlavi state with a claim on the loyalties of modernIranian womanhood"450. Though women benefited from reforms mainly in realmsof education or marriage and divorce, many of their issues remained unresolved.Male dominant culture was still prevalent in society. The law withdrew the issuesof polygamy or male guardianship451. Women's financial activities and publicaffairs were fortified; however, women's public attendance and activities, as amain challenge of the state in movement toward modernity, were under control.Amin uses the metaphor of "Father Reza Shah" to illuminate the degree of448Jones p.
Postcolonial Representations of Women: Critical Issues for Education. Springer Science & BusinessMedia, 2011. p. 152.449Sedghi H. Women and Politics in Iran: Veiling, Unveiling, and Reveiling. Cambridge University Press, 2007.p87450Amin C.M. The Making of the Modern Iranian Woman: Gender, State Policy, and Popular Culture, 1865-1946.University Press of Florida, 2002. p.129.451Hosseini.
M. Iranian Women’s Poetry from the Constitutional Revolution to the Post-Revolution. SussexUniversity. PhD thesis. 2017. p. 63-64.148patriarchal control of the state452. Women's dressing code was determined by thestate. Their organizations were supposed to be state controlled with very limitedpolitical activities. Reza Shah believing that any democracy would "hinder therapid modernization", closed most of women's organizations453.A semi-governmental women's center, founded by the king's daughter,Ashraf Pahlavi, and as its central task, had arranged unveiling campaigns topromote abandonment of the veil.
The organization had also programs ofencouraging women for education as well as increasing their knowledge in thefields of housekeeping and child rearing. The organization was partially successfulin promotion of unveiling, yet most women, especially lower classes indoctrinatedwith the notion that to lift veil is a woman's worst sin and disgrace454.Transformation of women's dressing was not a one-way relation imposed bythe state on women. Rather, the agency of people was likewise remarkable."Sedigeh Dowlatabadi was the first woman to pioneer the public abandonment ofthe veil before the legal ban in 1936"455.