диссертация (1169135), страница 32
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Althoughthese meanings might also have their origin in heteronormative structure of societythat separates genders in binary, they are transformed in different power structuresand under different discourses.However, women's full devotion to the family has diminished in some way,while their individualistic desires and social presence have risen. The growingamount of infidelity among women with modern identity424 reveals that women areemancipating themselves from regulations of traditional Islamic discourse. Whiletraditionally male infidelity could be consented under some excuse, female. پایگاه اطالع رسانی تنظیم خانواده، ماه آغاز زندگی3 برخوردها و رفتارها در،سلطانی مجد علی424Soltanimajd A.
Behaviors and Treatments in the first Six month of Marriage. portal "Tanzim-e Khanvadeh" —Mode of access: http://www.tanzimekhanevadeh.com/social-issues/236135infidelity was an unspeakable taboo. Women in attempt to be identified asmodernized, are changing the long-established stereotypes of female gender,disturbing the determinative gender stereotypes. Yet with all transformationsmanifested in Iranian women's modernized identity, they are still involved in theirfemaleness, though in a different manner. The transformed identities of women arealso generated in heteronormative society.The country's traditional culture admires motherhood.
Coincidence of thecountry's Mother's Day with birthday of the daughter of the prophet Muhammadimplies to the ideological perception toward motherhood. However, the importedculture values individuality and women's physical beauty and body shape that canbe threatened by pregnancy, breastfeeding or devotion of mother's body tonurturing and caring for family. While since 1981 Iranian state was advertising"less children and Better life", it has altered its policy since 2012 when Iranianleader stated that, "it was a mistaken policy that must be counterbalancedtoday"425. Today, the national policy is reinforcing on child giving andmotherhood, which is in contrast to culture advocated in satellite TVs.Iranian authority advocating centrality of Islamic traditions, finds culturalglobalization a threat to its national religious culture.
"Resistance to westerncultural invasion was central to the Islamic discourse of the pioneers of the 1979Revolution"426. The current leader of Iran, Ayatollah Khameneye, used the term"soft war" to warn the nation of the gradual danger of exposure to western culture.Since 2009, Iranian state broadcasting media has used the term as a "euphemismfor the spread of foreign ideas, culture, and influences through informationcommunication technology.
The target of soft war, according to this usage, was2931 آبان21 . باشگاه خبرنگاران جوان.بهشتي كه با شعار "فرزند كمتر زندگي بهتر" تبدیل به كابوسي براي جامعه ایراني شد425Paradise, which became a nightmare for the Iranian community under the slogan "Less Children, better Life".Young Journalist Club. 01.11.2013. — Mode of access: http://www.yjc.ir/fa/news/4615139/426Hovsepian-Bearce Y. The Political Ideology of Ayatollah Khamenei: Out of the Mouth of the Supreme Leader ofIran. London: Routledge, 2017.p.182.136Iranian culture and national identity"427. According to Monroe Price, Western softpower to attract Iranians is regarded as soft war from the perspective of Iraniangovernment who is the receiver of this "strategic communication".
For Iranianstate, Western soft power is nonmilitary means that "focuses on the society’svalues and beliefs, and on its identity, targeting of “the different intellectual,mental and spiritual layers of the society,” weakening public trust at each step".Iranian state to control the spread of western culture limits the communicativemedia.
Filtered twitter or Facebook, low internet speed or prohibition of satellitedishes are some instances of these limitations. On the other hand, foreigngovernments "sometimes working with nongovernmental organizations and others,similarly use law, technology, and subsidy to seek to break the cartel—to findspace for their own favored entities to be able to reach Iranian audiences"428.According to a member of Iranian Psychologists Association, more than 90percent of Iranians watch satellite TVs429. The latest statics on the access ofIranians to internet that belongs to three years ago shows that 73.94 percent ofthem are using internet430. The number is evidently has ascended by now. Thishigh exposure to globalized information is threatening the receivers' culturalidentity. While the Iranian authority emphasize on the centrality of traditions andreligion, the globalized culture challenges them, leaving the nation in the transitionof their cultural identity.The inner aspiration of human being toward beauty is irrefutable.
Thisgeneral tendency, nevertheless, is gendered when society values an attractivefemale body. Women consequently pay too much attention to beautifying affairs to427Blout E.L. Soft war: Myth, nationalism, and media in Iran. Journal The Communication Review, Vol. 20(3),2017. pp.212-224.428Price M. Iran and the Soft War.
International Journal of Communication, No.6, 2012, pp. 2397–2415. خرداد29 ،" خبرگزاری دانشجویان ایران "ایسنا،شکسته شدن قبحها با پخش سریالهای دنبالهدار/ درصد ایرانیان ماهواره دارند31 بیش از429.2932More than 90 percent of Iranians have a satellite / death of obscenity under the influence of long running series.Iranian Students News Agency. 13.03.2015. — Mode of access: https://www.isna.ir/news/94031307607/.2932 مرداد19 ، چند درصد ایرانی ها اینترنت دارند؟ پایگاه خبری تحلیلی انتخاب430How many percent of Iranians have the Internet? Profetional News Site " Entekhab".
14.08.2015. — Mode ofaccess: http://www.entekhab.ir/fa/news/220600/137be identified as viable subjects. Female sex regulates women's bodies in a way toqualify them to the regulatory discourse. Traditional Iranian discourse definesfemale body as a caregiver to the family. With the centrality of traditionaldiscourse, femaleness signifies purity, piety and devotion. The reiteration of thesenorms by women sustains the traditional discourse that has materialized femalebodies as caregivers with natural beauty.However, female subjects being produced within these power relations showagency in performing the norms in different ways.
Iranian women sinceconstitutional revolution have revealed their agency to change the traditionalnorms. After constitutionalism, they subverted the norm of public seclusion ofwomen. While they practiced new performances such as claim for education oroccupation, they preserved their domestic gendered roles.Iranian women's entrance to globalized arena demands they comply withthis culture. The society under the influence of globalized media idealizes physicalbeauty and attractiveness. Female body as the effect of regulatory force ofglobalized culture are rematerialized to signify beauty and attractiveness.
To bequalified as intelligible subjects, women, depending on their financial capabilities,seek to achieve the appearance that identifies them as viable subjects of modernglobalized discourse. Caring for beauty is a new performance that engenderedIranian women in search of modernized identity. The signification of female bodytransformed from an absolute birth giver and caregiver to socially active bodiesthat care about their physical beauty or health. However, the belief inheteronormativity and essential gender differences has sustained the significationof female body as mother.2.2.
Veiling and Iranian Women's Cultural IdentitySince the ancient times Iranian women, used to cover themselves in public.With the advent of Islam to the country, veiling emerged as a social and culturalnorm, though it was not a governmental obligation. Safavi dynasty (1501-1722)138undertaking the establishment of a religious country of Shia sect imposed strictheteronormative laws including women's veiling, even facial veiling. Thus,traditional religious culture of the state veiled Iranian women but in 1936, thegovernment of Reza Shah forcefully unveiled them. Then in 1983, the Islamicgovernment re-veiled them.
This impose, withdraw and re-impose of veilingmetaphorically stands for the ideological and political power of different eras.“From the early twentieth- century to the present time various forms of veilingdraw attention to the continuing quest for the political power between the state andreligion”.431It indicates the tension between two discourses of traditional religionand its opposing discourse that in attempt to be modernized struggles againsttraditions. Today, the Islamic discourse of the country has institutionalized veilingas the Islamic dressing code for women.Veiling that is a religious practice among Muslims, have been attributedvarious contradictory meanings. It might refer to modesty, repression of thewearer, sexualization of her hair, liberation of her from strangers' eyes, envelopingone's identity or giving her cultural identity, et al.The meaning of thisphenomenon depends on the way these images are constructed in the minds.Muslim women, according to Sharia, have to veil in presence of strangermen.
They are allowed to remove their veils only before those with whom "it ispermanently forbidden for her to marry because of blood ties, breastfeeding ormarriage ties"432. Islamic dressing code or hijab is a part of Islamic teachings andemphasize on modesty and decency in interactions of opposite sexes. It is statedtwice in holy Quran. The first vers is in Chapter 24 known as an-Nur (the Light),in verse 30:"Say to the believing men that: they should cast down their glancesand guard their private parts (by being chaste). Say to the believing431Sedghi H. Women and Politics in Iran: Veiling, Unveiling, and Reveiling. Cambridge University Press, 2007.
p.2.Elsaie A. Concept of Mahram and Na Mahram in Islam.. [Electronic resource]. — Mode of access:http://www.usislam.org/islam/Concept_Of_Mahram_And_NaMahram_In_Islam.htm432139women that: they should cast down their glances and guard theirprivate parts...and not display their beauty except what is apparent,and they should place their khumur over their bosoms…"The second verse on hijab is in Chapter 33 known as al-Ahzab, verse 59:"O Prophet! Say to your wives, your daughters, and the women ofthe believers that: they should let down upon themselves theirjalabib.”Since Quranic teachings are general, there are diverse and sometimes conflictinginterpretations of these verses.In case of Islamic hijab, the assessments range from belief in facial veiling,or only covering the hair or the beliefs of some Islamic Feminists such as LeilaAhmed.
She asserts that veiling was the duty and practice of the prophet's wives,and then as a sign of decency spread among other Muslim women 433. Since theanalysis of these contradictory debates are beyond our major consideration, weonly mention that veiling here refers to any external covering over women’s dressthat cloaks them in public or in presence of stranger men called "na mahram". Itincludes either chador, usually in black color, that covers the whole body but face,that might have an additional facial veil too, or a type of coat-like dress calledmanto worn with scarf or shawl.Today veil is an especially known dressing code for Muslim women;therefore, it displays the wearer's religious identity.
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