диссертация (1169135), страница 31
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The consistency of body care among Iranian women contributes to thepersistence of globalized culture in the country.Iranian women's resistance against the prevailing traditional norms,imprinted in their bodies as submissive subjects, has transformed their identities toagents who take control of their bodies. Through their performances such as bodyworks, Iranian women change what a woman signified traditionally.
Once as a412Davis K. Surgical Passing: Or Why Michael Jackson's Nose Makes `us' Uneasy. Feminist Theory, 4; 73. 2003.pp. 73-92.413Davis K. Reshaping the female body: The dilemma of cosmetic surgery. New York, Routledge.1995.p. 224414Wolf N. The Beauty Myth How Images of Beauty Are Used Against Women. London: Vintage. 1991. p.10131domestic mother, now she has agency to control her body and gain modern identitythrough her physical appearance.The high rank of women's bodywork in comparison to men's, as well as theelevation of their social status via physical appearance and beauty manifest thenorms elaborated in modern Iranian society. The norms that align with globalizedculture value physical beauty formulate Iranian women's gender identity.
Toomuch attention to physical appearance and beauty are turned to be some of the actsthat dress and engender the body as female. The continuous bodyworkperformances are creating the illusion that women have a common essence and anatural tendency toward beautifying their body. According to an Iranian research,since the representation of idealized western body image, the modern Iraniansociety also has based the social acceptability of women on physical appearance.Hence, Iranian women in order to be seen and accepted, they follow these beautyideals. One of the interviewees states, today society judges you based on yourappearance, so women prefer difficult projects of bodywork to be welcomed bysociety415. Proving their proper performances of modern society's idealized actions,they are identified as a member of modern society.Women subjected to social norms that value physical appearance, are inother words objectified by heteronormative structure of society.
This structure, inorder to sustain the female/male binary infuses the norms to define each gender."Women's attractiveness is defined as attractive-to-men. […It is] directed tophallic goals" cosmetic surgeries give women a sense of self-identity as theychose, and senses of self-esteem and self-fulfillment. It gives them social andeconomic promotion416. Idealized feminine beauty as a norm regulates bodies asfemale.
It can be regarded as a reduction of bodies to objects of beauty that implies (مطالعۀ کیفی دالیل و پیامدهای جراحی های زیبایی زنان ساکن شهر: مطالعۀ جامعه شناختی صنعت بدن، محمودی یسری؛ محدثی گیلوایی حسن415.527-519 صص.2933 ،2 شماره، زن در توسعه و سیاست،)2935 تهرانMahmudi Y., Mohadethi H.
Sociological Study of Body Industry: Qualitative Study of Reasons and Results ofCosmetic Surgeries of Women in Tehran. Zan dar Tosehe ve Siyasat. 2017. (4). 523-547416Morgan K.P. Women and the knife: Cosmetic surgery and the colonization of women's bodies.
Hypatia, 6(3),1991. pp. 25–53.132a secondary view of bodies cited as female. Women who seek to be identified asmodernized, though reveal some aspect of agency, they still fail to be releasedfrom patriarchal heteronormative society. This structure defining a border betweengender stereotypes has regulated the norms for each gender. Femaleness means tobe physically attractive to be accepted by male dominated society.Maternity has been another factor that signifies female body. Sincematernity was traditionally the only source of identification for women, today mostwomen resist giving birth to more than one or two children in order not to beidentified as fogyish traditional women417.
Fleeing from maternity, women canprotect their physical beauty as well as their social position. According to aresearch, child giving in Iranian modern culture is seen both as an economic riskand as a risk that jeopardies the mothers' physical appearance and mental health, aswell as her social position. Women are sometimes reluctant to experiencepregnancy or child nurturing to maintain their physical beauty and consequentlytheir loved position as a wife. Losing physical beauty means losing the husband'sinterest.
Most interviewees believe that mothers' preoccupation with childnurturing distracts their attention from caring to husband who in that case might bebored with them and transfer his love to other companionships418. Women's bodyare subjugated to patriarchal norms that has an objective view of female body. Asobjects of beauty, they are expected to fulfill the desires of the husband.During the last three decades, childbirth has had a substantial declining rate.While in 1986 the child-giving rate was 6.3 for a woman, it declined to 2.6 in 1996and in 2006 it dropped to 1.7419. It reveals that women stopped performing only the مهرماه23 ، پایگاه خبری تحلیلی پویش، گفتگو با فاطمه سیارپورعضو شورای مرکزی انسانشناسی و فرهنگ، عدم تمایل زنان به فرزند آوری417.2932Reluctance to Birth giving. Analytical news site "Puesh".
08.10.2015. [Electronic resource]. — Mode of access:http://puyesh.net/fa/news/46172/، فرزندآوری به مثابه ی مخاطره ( مطالعه کیفی زمینه های کم فرزندی در شهر تبریز، فرخی نگارستان مینا؛ لطیفی سیده صدیقه، آقایاری توکل418.99-7 صص.2935 ،79 شماره،مطالعات راهبردی زنانAgayari T. and Farokhi M. and Latifi S. Child Giving as a Risk: Qualitative Study of Backgrounds of DecliningBirth Rate in Tabriz. . Quarterly of Women's Strategic Studies. 2016. 19 (73). 7-33. زن در توسعه و، چالش هاي فرزندآوري زنان شاغل در یك مطالعه كیفي، اسحاقي دمحم؛ محبي سیده فاطمه؛ پاپي نژاد شهربانو؛ جهاندار زینب419.292-222 صص.2939 ،2 شماره،)سیاست (پژوهش زنان133act of motherhood and as agents took the control of their body and sought for othersources of identity. However, considering some of the reasons encouraging themto maintain and enhance their physical beauty, it can be deduced that, against theiragency to transform the norms, their body is trapped in another regulative force.Once the bodies were formulated to be submissive nurturing mothers, today theyare subjected to globalized beauty ideals.Even though fertility tendencies are declining, it is rarely zero in potentialspouses.
Only 9 percent of spouses, who live in capital of Iran, are disinclined tohave babies, mainly due to economic reasons420. In other cases, female body hassustained her signification as a mother. While women are able to define theiridentities in society, their maternal identity is still valued. A recent survey among400 infertile Iranian women shows that "34.7 percent of them experience domesticviolence due to their infertility"421. Another survey reveals that infertile womensuffer from "social exclusion… or they are disregarded by family members andrelatives"422. Female body as a nurturer has also sustained its significance.
Asurvey among employed women of Tehran proves that 69.7 percent of employedmothers breastfeed their babies for 6 month and 57.9 percent of them breastfeedfor a year423. It proves that unlike their effort to detach from the traditional values,women in their struggle to be identified as modernized still preserve theirmaternity. The centrality of heteronormative religious belief determines thatwomen's body have essential and natural tendency toward maternity. This basiccentrality that fixes together the relation of female body to its signifier of maternityEshaghi M., Mohebi SF., Papynezhad Sh., Jahandar Z. Childbearing Challenges for Working women: aQualitative Study.
Woman development and politics, 12, 2014. 111-134..2931 تیرماه28 ، موسسه فرهنگی و اطالع رسانی تبیان، انگیزه تهرانی ها از بچه دار شدن، کریمی امید420Karimi O. Tehran Citizens Fertility Reasons. Creating Tebyan Cultural Institute. 09.07.2013. [Electronic resource].— Mode of access: https://article.tebyan.net/251233/- فصلنامه علمی، بررسی میزان خشونت جنسی در زنان نابارور و مراجعه کننده به مراکز منتخب ناباروری شهر تهران، آذر ماهیار و همکاران42135-55 صص.2931 ،82 شماره،پژوهشی دانشکده پرستاری و ماماییMahyar A. at al.
Study of the Rate of Domestic Violence against Iranian Infertile Women. Medical Journal ofIslamic Republic of Iran. No. 81, 2014. pp. 35-55422Hasanpoor-Azghdy S.B., Simbar M., Vedadhir A. The social Consequences of Infertility among Iranian Women.International Journal of "Fertility & Sterility" Royan Institute. Vol. 8, No. 4, 2015. pp. 409-420..232-253 صص،2987 ،1 شماره،، پژوهش در پزشکی، مقایسه الگوی شیردهی در مادران شاغل و خانه دار، قطبی فاطمه423Gotbi F. Comparison of Breastfeeding Between Employed and Nonemployee Mothers. Journal of Research inMedicine. 2008. 159-164.134avoids circulation of meaning in the chain of signifiers.
As long as the essentialbelief in binary creation of female/male exists, Iranian women won't be alienatedfrom their maternal identity. In fact, resistance to the idea of female body as apotential mother means shaking the bases of religious belief in the essence giftedin human beings. Holly Book of Muslims affirms heteronormative structure ofcreation oh human beings. "And Allah created you from dust, then from a spermdrop; then He made you mates.
[Fa'tir 11] Even the heterosexual desires are clearlyconfirmed. "He has created mates for you from your own kind that you may findpeace in them[29], and He has set between you love and mercy [Al Rum, verse21]. People's belief on basic structures of religion has excluded the meanings thatstem beyond heteronormativity. Sustaining the belief in gendered binary and thenatural desire of opposite genders to each other, they will not question the meaningof child giving or breastfeeding attributed to female body. The taboo of imaginingbeyond heteronormativity, avoids the defferance of meaning of female body asmother. While the other regulative meanings, such as seclusion of female bodyinside house or seeking different types of idealized beauty, are subject to change.Because the center that holds together signifier (body) and signified (femininity) isno ultimate and leaves the signified in an unending chain of circulation.