диссертация (1169135), страница 26
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"Manyeducated men and women were awakened to the repressive conditions of Iranianwomen and led them to view these conditions as problematic and in need of340Joseph S., Afsaneh Najmabadi A. Encyclopedia of Women and Islamic Cultures: Family, Law and Politics(Encyclopaedia of Women and Islamic Cultures).Brill Academic Pub. Vol.2, 2003. p. 135341Sedghi H. Women and Politics in Iran: Veiling, Unveiling, and Reveiling. Cambridge University Press, 2007.p.26.342IslamKotob. Women Islam & Equality. The National Council of Iran Foreign Affair Committee.
1995. p. 3.110change"343.Women, entering society stopped performing the previous role offemininity as invisible subjects struggling to be visible agents.Still, the modernized elites who addressed women's oppression andpromoted their education and social participation, failed to define female bodiesreleased from domesticity. They promised that women's social participation wouldnot interfere with society's expectation of women… women would remain dutifuldaughters, faithful wives, and self-sacrificing mothers even as they assumed amore public role in society".
The body, recited as female was still defined inprocreation, and satisfying husband and children's desire, though she had passedthe confining borders.Women's organizations and their monthly or weekly-published magazinesalong with advocating education for girls, freedom of women from seclusion andthe abolition of polygamy"344, also highlighted women's long-established genderroles. These new institutions underscored household chores, child upbringing andcaring for the desires of the husband to define a female gender.Women'sorganizations spread knowledge of literature and history among women, but theyalso "trained women in hygiene, child care, housekeeping, and needle work". Thefirst women's magazine in Iran, called Danesh (Knowledge), "sought to educatewomen for successful marriage and motherhood"345.
The magazine to introduceitself, stated, "This is a moral press to teach women the science of house keeping,child rearing, and husband caring. With no political concerns, it is advantageousfor women"346. The writings reveal a belief in the essential differences betweenfemale and male body, and consequently their different gender roles stemmingfrom natural body differences.
Female body performed the roles ascribed to herbody as if they were natural outcome of their body.343Mahdi A. A. The Iranian Women’s Movement: A Century Long Struggle. The Muslim World. Volume 94 (4),2004. pp. 427-448.344Ibid.345Ende W., Steinbach U. Steinbach U. Islam in the World Today: A Handbook of Politics, Religion, Culture, andSociety. Cornell University Press, 2010. p. 640.346See: Kahal F. Danesh Quartely. Vol 1(1), 1910. p. 1.111Valuing female gender roles, the modernized elites also attributed thefeatures to female body that categorizes the whole women of both pre and postconstitutionalism under the class of female gender.
Alike to the traditional women,they sustained their domestic cares, and even reinforced them in a proper manner.However, their social presence identified them as modernized women whoovercame the submissive subjectivity and revealed their agencies. The women,who founded schools, established organizations, published their own press,lectured at conferences, or collaborated in revolutionary affairs were no morecalled "zai'feh" (weak).Social presence led to showcasing of female body. Modernized womentypically became unveiled or at least they removed their facial veil (negab), or theydressed in European style but covering their hair. The bodies that until then wereentirely packed in black chadors became visible. This visibility that assured themsocial identity, at the same time impacted women's physical appearance of body.
Itsparked Concerns with body image. Claiming to be the bearers of modern culture,they formed their appearance in western styles. Dreaming to be identified asmodernized they chose the western beauty style."The importation of western beauty culture happened in Iran at about thesame time as this culture was emerging in America". Pahlavi states in attempt toredefine the particulars of female gender roles facilitated tendencies to the modernculture of beauty. The imported health and beauty products provided women anemancipatory road and promised social expression. "The pages of Iranian pressadvertised and discussed health and beauty products and fashions in a mannersimilar to the American press"347. The press, as an influential institution especiallyamong educated women, idealized figures of thin women, with heavy makeup andelaborated hair.
Monobrows gave way to thin eyebrows, overweighed bodies werereplaced by relatively thin bodies, and the natural beautifying materials were347Amin C.M. Importing “Beauty Culture” Into Iran in the 1920s and 1930s:Mass Marketing Individualism in anAge of Anti-Imperialist Sacrifice. Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East, 24 (1), 2004, pp.81-100.112substituted by imported cosmetics348. Modernization required that natural bodiesbe regulated more and more with unnatural materials.Fig. 3.
Cover page of a magazine during the second PahlaviWhile modernized discourse modified the Iranian women's fashion andculture of beauty, at the same time it regulated the definition of viable femininityas educated, patriotic, athletic, marital, socially active and economicallyproductive. Her objectification in the domestic arena expanded to socialobjectification of women in display of their beauty. Though Iranian woman'sability in control and manipulation of her body indicates to a newly gained agency,her body, as the landscape of western discourse again failed to be hers.In fact, modernization, with its assertion to address women's issues,sustained and highlighted the heteronormative social structure based on whichsegregation of binary genders determines the features and roles of each gender.Sustaining old notions of female gender, it expanded engendering of the bodies.Camron Amin argues, "The constitutional period was an ill-fated egalitariangesture that paradoxically advanced the cause of women's progress while limiting348Poorna Bell.
How Iranian Beauty Has Changed Over 100 Years From Monobrows To Half-Covered Hair. TheHuffingtonPostUK.20.02.2015[Electronicresource].—Modeofaccess:https://www.huffingtonpost.co.uk/2015/02/20/how-iranian-beauty-has-changed-_n_6719284.html113or denying it"349. It had" preserved the essential gender hierarchy that grantedspecial privilege to all male350.Gender binary, as Najmabadi in her "Women with Mustaches and Menwithout Beard", maintains, was formulated after Iranian modernity. In nineteenthcentury Iran, the border between erotic desires, especially at court, was blurry andnot strictly defined. The "adjectives that today are more likely to evoke femininebeauty, in nineteenth century were equally applicable for men and women".
In premodern and early modern Iran the beardless boys (called amrade) were the objectsof desire as long as beard grew visibly, who would turn to be the desiring object351.It can be concluded that the imprisonment of women behind curtains and veils haddirected the erotic tendency toward young boys who were visible and accessible.The tacit acceptance of erotic desire to young boys is mainly associated with thefact that "females were segregated and tightly controlled "352. Homoeroticism inpre-modern Iran was "situational", because of publicly invisible female.
As thesexeswereallowedtominglefreely,homosexualrelationswoulddisappear"353.Constitutional revolution re-sexualized the state with moreheteronormative and patriarchal structures. The masculine gendered court wouldtake the control of women and the state354.Transcendence of traditional era opened a new world structured onheteronormativity.
The overt visibility of female sex among male sex entailed amore systematic gendered definition of each sex. No more in art and literature menwere describe with feminized adjectives. Tendency to young boys (called amrades)349Amin C.M. The Making of the Modern Iranian Woman: Gender, State Policy, and Popular Culture, 18651946.University Press of Florida, 2002.p.3.350Amin C.M. Propaganda and Remembrance: Gender, Education, and "The Women's Awakening" of 1936.
IranianStudies, Taylor & Francis, Ltd, Vol. 32, No. 3, 1999. pp. 351-386.351Najmabadi A. Women with Mustaches and Men without Beards: Gender and Sexual Anxieties of IranianModernity. Berkley: University of California Press, 2005.pp.11-15.352Murray S.O., Roscoe W. Islamic Homosexuality: Culture, History, and Literature. New York UniversityPress.1997. p. 24.353Nicolaidis K., Sèbe B., Maas G. Echoes of Empire: Memory, Identity and Colonial Legacies. London: I.B.Tauris,2015. p.360.354Scheiwiller S.G. Liminalities of Gender and Sexuality in Nineteenth-Century Iranian Photography. Taylor &Francis Ltd, 2016.
240 p.114gradually faded away, when women were visible in public. Women cared abouttheir body and physical appearance. Female sex emancipated from seclusion andsubordination, was gendered as devoted mothers, wives and daughters, educatedandsociallyactive,andfashionable.Suchadefinitionemphasizesheteronormativity.With the rise of Reza Shah in 1925 women's organizations lost itsindependence since the state "adopted forceful and centralist approach and createdstate-sponsored women's organization to lead the way on women's emancipation".Both Pahlavi states emphasized the civic aspects of women's roles as opposed tofamilial ones. They opposed women's independence both inside and outside thefamily. This unwillingness to define female gender as socially and domesticallyempowered and independent "strengthened the clergy's ideological hold over thematter".
The Islamic campaign of women rejecting westernized sexualobjectification of female body, promised equality, freedom and independence towomen. Those women seeking emancipation identified themselves with Islamicinstitution and joined revolutionary practices. Here female body was identified asrevolutionary mother355. Again, as in the constitutional revolution, the centralityof Islamic discourse inspired women to find new identities that promised to definean egalitarian view of female body franchised from gender inequalities.After revolution, female body represented the regulations of Islamicdiscourse.
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