диссертация (1169135), страница 35
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Resisting the disapprovals of traditionalclass, she insisted on her unveiling policy that was supported by the state.Unveiling conforming to modernity was not in conflict with the state's newdiscourse of modernizing the country. The king had set some secret agents toprotect Sedigeh and her unveiled followers from the possible dangers from the sideof conservatives. As the founder of first girls' school, and women's society, as wellas founder of the first women gazette, and the representative of Iranian women attenth congress of "International Alliance for Women's Suffrage", and theministerial supervisor of women's education, Dowlatabadi revealed to be an activeagent in promoting modernization among Iranian women456.452Camron M.A.
Propaganda and Remembrance: Gender, Education, and "The Women's Awakening" of 1936.Taylor and Francis. 1999. p. 351-386.453Paidar P. Woman and the Political Process in Twentieth Century Iran. Cambridge University Press, 1997. p.102.454Bamdad B.
From Darkness into Light: women's emancipationin Iran. New York, Exposition Press. 1977. P. 9295.455Vakil S. Women and Politics in the Islamic Republic of Iran: Action and Reaction. p. 33..225-219 ص1 شماره- 2989 زمستان، بانوان شیعه،) رضا؛ زمینه سازی کشف حجاب در ایران (نقش صدیقه دولت آبادی، رمضان نرگسی456Ramezan R. Grounds of Unveiling in Iran and the Role of Dowlatabadi. Banvan e Shia, No. 2, 2004, pp. 123-145.149Fig.
8. Sedige Dolatabadi, a pioneering figure of women's movementsEducation at French University of Sorbonne had provided her withopportunities to have a knowledge of Western modernization. In Iranian society,she invokes the rules and resources of the country's social structure to reproducethe structure. The dual relation of agents such as Dowlatabadi and the socialstructure proves the validity of structuration theory of Giddens, wherein "socialstructures are both constituted by human agency, and yet at the same time are thevery medium of this constitution"457.As an agent, she uses both the material resources such as education, and herauthoritative resources to promote education and unveiling among women.
Whilethe rules of the structure that direct her actions approve unveiling, the rules of thetraditional structure confine her. With her actions, she seeks to reproduce thetraditional structure in a subverted form. The modern discourse, at the same timeneeds to gain its stability from the continuous actions of the agents who using theresources of modernized structure, act according to the rules of it. Hence, the gapbetween the two structures of tradition and modern revealed to get more visible.The generated gap is still more noticeable in current Iranian society, where womenof traditional and modern identiy appear in different dressing styles. The producedbinary of veiled and unveiled in this era explains how each poles are privileged in457Giddens A.
Rules of Sociological Method. London, Hutchinson and co. 1993. P. 121.150traditional and modern discourse. The viability of a subject in a structure is basedon her difference from the other regarded as the lower pole.The discourses of traditional and modernized structures compete in order todominate the society. In addition, the agents' actions, such as veiling support thetraditional structure or their transformedactions of unveiling reproduce themodern structure that subverts the norms of the rivalry discourse.While intraditional structure a veiled woman gains intelligible identity, in modernizedstructure, veiling has no place in defining female gender identity. Education andabandonment of veil turned to be essential factors defining female gender identity.Dowlatabadi and other unveiled pioneers troubled the prevailing norms ofthe traditional structure of society to replace them in subverted form. Regardingthe practice of veiling as a norm that defines one's gender identity, we apply theideas of Butler to discuss the transformation of women's identity in relation to theirdressing style.For ages, Iranian women, who were situated within the traditional structure,were practicing veiling intended by the regulatory discourse of traditionalstructure.
This citational practice of veiling assured authority to the discourse thathas produced that very action. The repetitions are as covers over the regulatoryforces of discourse, and naturalize the discursively constructed norms. Therefore,the veil naturally turned to be a part of their identity, and at same time, it preservedthe sustainability of the traditional structure.The practice of veiling guaranteed the maintenance of the traditionaldiscourse; moreover, the subjects in order to have a viable identity within thediscourse performed the actions according to the regulatory norms of thediscourse. The "regulatory regime" of the structure that Butler believes is similarin some way to what Giddens notes as "rules" of the structure.
The subject as theeffect of the discourse recites the norms such as veiling. While recitation isinevitable for preservation of the discourse, it is an opportunity for the subject toenjoy agency or freedom. Agency "is produced by the gaps opened up in the151process of self-repetition"458 and reiteration.
In fact, there is distinction betweenthe authentic act, intended by the discourse, and its citation over time. The novelrecitation might differ from the original one in unforeseen ways.Gradually, with the movement of society toward modernity, the recitation ofveiling revealed to be different from the original norm. The subjects such asDowlatabadi in their modernized dressing style repeated the norms in a way thatdiffered from their originality. The transformed recitations threatenedthedominance of the traditional clerical discourse and questioned the viability ofabnormal unveiled subjects in the traditional discourse. Nevertheless, the case ofsome Iranian women's unveiling is someway different from "reiterative andcitational practice" (BTM.P.
2). They voluntarily detached from the traditionaldiscourse to question it. To be a subject in the modernized discourse they wereperforming under the "regulatory frames" of the modernized discourse. Accordingto Judith Butler " freedom, possibility, agency do not have an abstract or pre-socialstatus, but are always negotiated within a matrix of power". As the effects ofmodernized discourse, they are performing the practice of unveiling, regarded as anorm.
Likewise, they gained viable identity in the modernized discourse.Abandoning the headscarf that is exclusively associated with Muslim femalegender identity, these agents troubled the normative definition of religious andgender identity in Iranian society.Veiling or not veiling was the visible sign of the created challenge betweenthe modernized and the traditional structure. The majority of women in agreementwith the religious institutes constructed their identities in repetition of traditionalnorms. The group that following the westernizing state welcomed unveilingincluded some women of "privileged backgrounds; some had resided abroad,Westernized, educated and elite women459.
Mohammad-Reza Shah writes, "The458Hall D.E. Jagose A. The Routledge Queer Studies Reader. London and New York Routledge. 2012. p. 22.Sedghi H. Women and Politics in Iran: Veiling, Unveiling, and Reveiling. Cambridge University Press, 2007.p.88.459152great success of unveiling owes to my father and valor deeds of my mother andsisters. They resisted the old conventions that were supported by the majority"460.Generally, for most Iranian women whose identity had been constructed bytraditional discourse, this modern emancipation meant further seclusion.
After theofficial unveiling decree in 1936, religious women resisted the law and restoredtheir veiling. For them veil was "a sign of propriety and a means of protectionagainst the menacing eyes of male strangers"461. They escaped the unveiling due totheir moral and religious codes regarding it as a big sin. Since their gender andreligious identity had been defined by their veiling, resigning the veil meantabandoning their identity. Therefore, most of them were unready to take new andwesternized identity and they resisted it. Sedgi argues that the new modernizingpolicy of enforced unveiling had created a break between women and society.Except for women who had abroad experiences, or educated or a few affluentwomen, the rest abhorred the policy.
Unveiling had threatened their physical andpsychological security, leaving them in a sense of nudity. They subsided to theirhouses and usually left it once a weak at night through dark frightening lanes toattend public baths462. Indeed, this group of women viewed veiling not with aWesternized perception, but they had retained their traditional and religiousperception of veiling.Secularization reforms in arenas of culture, education, and jurisprudence,intensified the tension between the king and clergies who till then had enjoyedprominent roles in those spheres.
Clerics recognizing the threat of secularizationpolicies opposed the king, calling him the enemy of Islam. The official unveiling گنجینه اسناد سال بیست و سوم، علل و پیامدهای شکل گیری پدیده کشف حجاب در دوران پهلوی، نجمه سادات، امیرمسعود؛ زمانی، شهرام نیا460.85-31 ص،83 شماره2931 بهارShahramnia A., Zamani N. The Causes and Consequences of Unveiling During Pahlavi Era. Ganjin e Asnad. No.23, 2012. pp. 62-85461Beck L., Nshat.
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