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— URL: https://www.brookings.edu/research/the-end-of-sykes-picotreflections-on-the-prospects-of-the-arab-state-system/42Филоник А.О. Кувейт: контуры экономических перемен / Институт изучения Израиля и Ближнего.Востока, М., 2003. С. 10.43Фридман Л.А. Экономические структуры арабских стран: экономико-статистический анализ.
– М.:Наука, 1985, - 339 с.44Яковлев А. И. Новый этап экономических отношений Саудовской Аравии и Запада. – Нефтедоллары исоциально-экономическое развитие стран; Ближнего и Среднего Востока. М., 1979.45Юрченко В. П. Военное сотрудничество аравийских монархий: намерения и реальность [Режимдоступа] // Институт изучения Израиля и Ближнего Востока. URL: http://www.iimes.ru/rus/stat/2002/22-12-02.htm(дата обращения: 15.01.2017).46ال عرب ي ال خ ل يج ل دول ال ت عاون مج لس" ك تاب ي تأل ف.. من ل مجموعة "ال م س ت ق بل وأ س ئ لة ال راهن ق ضاي ا،من ال مؤل ف ين280 ،“( أق سام أرب عة ع لى موزعة ص فحةCooperation Council for the Arab States of the Persian Gulf ...
current problems andfuture issues”, group of authors, 280 pages, divided into four volumes)47األ ش عل ع بدا هلل: 10 ( ق طر مع األزمة ت فاق م حال م صر ضد خ ل يج ية إجراءاتAbdullah Ashhaal: 10 actions of theGulf countries against Egypt, aggravation of the crisis with Qatar) // ال قاهرة. – [Electronic resource]. – URL:http://www.cairoportal.com/story/ع بدا هلل-األ ش عل--10-إجراءات-خ ل يج ية- ضد-م صر-حال-ت فاق م-األزمة-مع-ق طر482010 ال عرب ي ال خ ل يج دول ف ي وال تحدي ات ال فرص, ( ال دي حم يد ع بدا هللOpportunities and Challenges in the GulfStates, Abdullah Hamid, 2010)491976 ال دول يه ال عمل م س توي ات و ال خ ل يجي ال ت عاون مج لس دول, ( ال عو ضي ا هلل ع بد ب دري هGulf CooperationCouncil (GCC) and international standards, Badriya Abdullah al-Awadi, 1976)50( ال ما ض ية ودال عق ف ي ال خ ل يجي ال ت عاون مج لس دول ن جاح ق صة ي وث ق جدي د ك تابThe book documenting thesuccess of the Gulf Cooperation Council over the past decade of joint history)// Bahrain News Agency.
– [Electronicresource]. — URL: http://bna.bh/portal/news/697175511989 ال خ ل يجي ال ت عاون مج لس, ( ش ف يق ع ليGulf Cooperation Council, Ali Shafiq, 1989)52Ахмад Гасем Мохаммад Али Аль-Гази. Совет сотрудничества арабских государств Персидского заливав системе международных отношений : автореферат диссертации кандидата исторических наук : 07.00.03.- Киев,1995.- 27 с.: ил.532010, خ ل ي فة ي و سف ال دك تور األج ن ب ية وال قوى وال ن فط ال وراث ة م ث لث ف ي ال خ ل يجي ال ت عاون مج لس( ال ع لم طري ق ال يو س فم ك ت بةCooperation Council for the Arab States of the Persian Gulf in the triangle of heritage, oil andforeign powers, Dr.
Youssef Khalifa, 2010)11countries that entered it, but the entire Arab world, even though the latter concept alsocontinue to cause skepticism among representatives of Pan-Arabism.The main provisions to be defended are as follows:1. Bahrain regards Russia as a world's leading powers and a pole in the emergingmultipolar structure of the international system. Hence, in the Kingdom’s strategicview, Moscow’s endorsement in dealing security issues in the Arabian Gulf region is offundamental importance from the standpoint of enhancing the efficiency of its foreignpolicy. The country belongs to the category of smaller and medium sized states, whosesovereignty and physical security depend on the success and strength of alliances withmore influential states.
Manama fears realization of Iran's hegemonic aspirations in theregion, which publicly articulates the top leadership of the Islamic Republic of Iran.Under these circumstances, a new qualitatively upgraded level in the relationshipbetween Moscow and Tehran, achieved, inter alia as part of some joint effortsundertaken on the Syrian front, can serve as a platform for resuscitation of themultilateral regional dialogue whereby Iran will have to face off with CooperationCouncil of the Arab States of the Arabian Gulf and not its individual member states.2.
Bahrain, possessing highly developed infrastructure, liberal legislative base,conducive and comfortable for foreign partners’ direct investments, observinginternational business standards, can act as an outpost for working with the Gulfcountries in accordance with a new type of cooperation mode in building politicaldialogue through economic instruments and then jointly solving security problems.Considering the focus of the island's leadership on the development of Bahraini-Russiancooperation, major Russian businesses can effectively act as emissaries to promote theRussian foreign policy course for “exporting security” to the region. Furthermore,access to foreign markets with products of high added value looks especially promisingfor the Russian Federation, since in the context of the depreciation of the ruble, Russianproducts and services are becoming far more competitive in pricing terms.
This iscomplemented by Bahrain's orientation to diversification of the support sectors of theeconomy and foreign economic partners.123. Institutional design in the form of bilateral commissions and target workinggroups, as well as documentary fixation of intentions through various agreements anddeclarations, is a distinctive feature of Russian-Bahraini relations quite distinguishableat the level of the member countries of the Cooperation Council of the Arab States ofthe Arabian Gulf.4. Relations between Russia and Bahrain, despite the dynamically developingeconomic area, have limitations from the standpoint of the scope and boundaries ofpotential areas of interaction.
The niche of the partner supplying military-technicalequipment seems has been historically (Britain and the USA)occupiedandgeographically (Kingdom of Saudi Arabia) by other established partner countries.Similar, “objective” hurdles also exist in other spheres of interaction. In a competitivemarket, the one who has previously taken a strategically correct position has higherchances of winning out. Russia must take this into account.5.
The dynamics of the development in the relations between Russia and Bahrainis largely contingent on the reaction to this process by the axial allies of the Arabkingdom - the United States, Saudi Arabia and Britain. At the moment, in essence, theyare the guarantors of the economic and political sovereignty of Bahrain. The theoreticalsignificance of the thesis lies in the formulation the concept of "regional security" on theexample of the balance policy pursued by the Kingdom of Bahrain. The practicalimportance of the work lies in the possibility of using its results for political decisionmaking, building and holding up the foreign policy line of Bahrain in relation to Russia.Structure. The thesis consists of the Introduction, four chapters of three sectionseach, Conclusion and Bibliography.13CHAPTER ICONCEPTUAL BASES OF REGIONAL SECURITY.
KEY DEFINITIONS1.1.Correlation of the Concepts of “National Interest” and “National Security”in the Foreign Policy of Modern StatesThe concept of “national interest” emerged at the dawn of the modern-type stateinternational system. Almost concurrently with the formation of a sovereign state as thepreeminent actor of international relations, the category of “national interest” came tobe employed by the ruling class to strengthen the internal social cohesion whenconfronted with of an external enemy, has served as an excuse or pretext for aggressivecampaigns, as an incentive for dynastic marriages, etc.
Most fully and succinctly, thiswas subsequently expressed by the formula: "The princes command the peoples, but theprinces command interests", by the Duke de Rogan54.The concept of “national interest” was elaborated in the works of such greatthinkers and philosophers as Jean Baudin, Nikolo Machiavelli, Henry Bolingbroke.Defining the doctrine of the interests of individual states, Voltaire wrote: “The stateinterest is the sovereign wisdom of kings”55.Today, several centuries on, the notion of “national interest” continues to bewidely discussed by researchers and politicians, journalists and military leaders alike.Experts in the field of international relations build their forecasts around this category,referring to it as the starting reference point for identifying the major threats toterritorial integrity and sovereignty more generally.
The concept of “national interests”is indispensable to comprehending how a country-specific perception of security isdefined. This perception exists in two dimensions at once - objective (for example,direct protection of the population from threats of physical violence) and subjective (forexample, preventing the uncontrolled presence of foreign investors in the military-5455Поздняков, Э.А.
Философия политики: В 2 ч. Ч. 2 // Э.А. Поздняков. – М.: Махаон, 2004. – С. 81.Ibid. – p. 9514industrial complex)56. National interests play a decisive role in shaping foreign policypriorities, developing a defense and economic strategy, constructing legitimizingnarratives and refining foundational, state building myths.Typically, national interests are conceived and spelled out by the ruling elite ofthe state in a deliberate signaling effort to indicate its approach to a wide range of issuesand challenges that the state faces in securing its survival. They form the core of theessential needs of the country.
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