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Данная дипломная работа посвящена трансформациям фразеологических единиц и особенностям их перевода с английского языка на русский.
Рассмотрев теории известных лингвистов, изучавших проблемы фразеологии (А.В Кунина, Н.Н Амосовой, В.В. Виноградова), предложенные ими классификации фразеологических единиц, в работе были выделены основные признаки, присущие всем фразеологическим единицам. Были обобщены и систематизированы классификации трансформаций фразеологических единиц а также рассмотрены основные способы перевода фразеологических единиц с английского на русский язык.
По результатам проведённой работы можно сделать следующие выводы:
1. Фразеологические единицы отличаются от своих лексических синонимов стилистически и характеризуются большей экспрессивностью и выразительностью.
2. Фразеологические единицы в текстах газет чаще всего используются в модифицированном виде.
3. Трансформации фразеологических единиц можно подразделить на семантические, лексические, синтаксические, морфологические и словообразовательные.
4. Существует 2 основных способа перевода фразеологических единиц – фразеологический и нефразеологический.
5. Для адекватного перевода фразеологической единицы переводчику необходимо учитывать и по возможности полностью передать все её компоненты, а именно: образный, предметный, эмоциональный, стилистический и национально-этнический компоненты.
6. Наибольшую трудность для перевода представляют английские фразеологические единицы, не имеющие эквивалентов в русском языке. Для их передачи используются приёмы лексического, дословного и описательного перевода. При этом переводчик должен стараться по возможности сохранить образный характер исходной единицы.
Библиографический список
Литература
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Словари
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Ресурсы удалённого доступа
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ПРИЛОЖЕНИЕ 1. ОРИГИНАЛ ТЕКСТА ПЕРЕВОДА.
LETTER FROM CHINA
WASTEPAPER QUEEN
She's China's Horatio Alger hero. Will her fortune survive?
BY EVAN OSNOS
Last fall, on the afternoon of October 10th, Cheung Yan was preparing to unveil the year-end financial summary for Nine Dragons Paper, the enterprise that she co-founded thirteen years ago and built into China's largest paper manufacturer. The press conference had drawn reporters and cameramen to a ballroom at Hong Kong's Island Shangri-La Hotel, and, just before it was scheduled to begin, Cheung sat in a hushed anteroom, alone on a silk sofa, collecting her thoughts.
She wore a chartreuse mandarin-collared jacket buttoned to her chin, and her hair was no-fuss short. At the age of fifty-two, Cheung is petite but sturdy, with an expressive face that radiates intensity. Inside her company, she is known as the Chairlady. Throughout China, she is also known as the Queen of Trash. She earned her nickname by conquering an obscure niche that tunes global trade to peak efficiency: she buys mountains of filthy American wastepaper, hauls it to China at cheap rates, then pulps and reforms it into paperboard for boxes bearing goods marked "Made in China." One of her factories is the largest paper mill in the world.
After Cheung registered her company on the Hong Kong Stock Exchange, in 2006, she rose to No. 1 on a list of China's richest people, becoming the first woman to hold the position. The Hurun Report, the Shanghai magazine that produces the list, estimated her worth that year at $3.4 billion. The following year, Cheung's wealth ballooned further, to more than ten billion dollars, and the magazine calculated that she was the richest self-made woman in the world, ahead of Meg Whitman and J. K. Rowling. She became a star of China's industrial revolution: a plainspoken manufacturing baroness and a mother of two. When Oprah did a segment on inspirational mothers around the globe, she showed a clip about Cheung and said, "I love a self-made mom."
Yet to financial analysts the timing of Cheung's press conference was ominous; as in politics, a corporate announcement reserved for 4:15 P.M. on a Friday is rarely upbeat. They were right: consumer demand was sinking in America, and factories in China that buy cardboard were shutting down. The global trade that had built Cheung's fortune was now dismantling it. Almost as remarkable was a recent reversal of her public image. Within a few months, she had become the antihero of an era in China in which unbridled capitalism had driven the gap between rich and poor to its greatest divide since economic reforms began, thirty years ago. A labor-rights group had accused Cheung of being a sweatshop boss, and a Chinese newspaper invoked the exploitation of the American Gilded Age to accuse her of "turning blood into gold." Her stock price had tumbled, slashing her personal wealth by more than seven billion dollars in less than a year, by Hurun’s estimate. Her company was saddled with so much debt that Mark Chang, a Merrill Lynch analyst, told me that the question was "Will they go bust?"
The spectacle of one of China's richest industrialists reduced to a struggle for solvency suggests some of the pressures posed by a slowdown that has unnerved Chinese leaders in its speed and depth. Deng Xiaoping once ordained a starring role for plutocrats. “Rang yi bu fen ren xian fu qi lai”, he declared. “Let some people get rich first.” In the thirty years since Deng unshackled China’s economy, the entrepreneurs who stitched it into global markets have made China far more prosperous, but also, it turns out, acutely vulnerable. In the southern city of Dongguan, where Nine Dragons is based, Smart Union, a giant toymaker with some sixty-five hundred employees that once supplied Mattel and Hasbro, went bust so fast last October that throngs of its workers swarmed the plant's gates, demanding unpaid wages. The local government sent riot police to guard the plant and appealed to the angry workers not to do "anything that would hurt or cause concern to your parents and family." Other factory bosses on the brink have simply fled without a trace. At least six hundred and seventy thousand Chinese businesses failed last year, according to the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, a government-run think tank. These events hardly signal an end to China's economic rise — a certain level of labor unrest and business turnover exists in China in the best of times – but the scale has begun to look less like an ordinary downturn than like a pivot in the very nature of China's surge into the free market. "One of the characteristic features of American capitalism since the Gilded Age has been its ruthless readiness to abandon unprofitable sectors," Niall Ferguson, the Harvard historian, told me. "Once upon a time, the American textile industry was an enormous part of the economy. It scarcely exists anymore."
Waiting to face the cameras on October 10th, Cheung let out a short, awkward laugh and told me, “I’m in a good mood." She scanned the faces around her, which included her husband, her brother, and two executives. "You have to be confident in order to make others confident," she said, and stalked down the hall toward the press. By the time her event was over, the share price of Nine Dragons had sunk another sixteen per cent, to the equivalent of twenty-three cents, its lowest level ever.
Despite Deng's proclamation, China is deeply ambivalent about its tycoons. For a long time, they were ciphers. (In 2002, Forbes published its list of China's richest, with a photograph of people wearing paper bags over their heads.) But in the early years of this decade tycoons preened as more of them took companies public, and their ranks soared. In 2006, the number of Chinese billionaires jumped sevenfold, to a hundred and six people, by Hurun’s count, encompassing property developers, Internet techies, and retail magnates. But this era of glamour has been accompanied by an era of prosecution. Yang Bin, a flower-growing mogul who was once ranked as the second-richest person in China, is serving eighteen years in prison on fraud and bribery charges. Last November, Wong Kwong-Yu, the founder of an electric-appliance chain called Gome and the reigning richest person in China, was reportedly detained in what the Chinese press called an investigation into manipulation of shares in his brother's pharmaceutical company. (Wong resigned from Gome's board earlier this year, a company representative would not comment on the investigation.) At such moments, the rich list has come to be called the "death list."
Cheung hedges by casting herself as a kind of socialist Horatio Alger hero. "We all sacrifice a lot for the company," she told me when I visited her at her office last fall. “It is very demanding. It's not like, Today, I expend effort and tomorrow I go off and play golf or go shopping!" The headquarters of Nine Dragons Paper sprawls across a site, nearly a square mile in area, in Dongguan, a port-city fusion of industry and luxury that calls to mind the oil capitals of the Persian Gulf. Cranes and smokestacks shimmer in the heat beside manicured topiaries and overchilled office towers. The twelve-story office of Nine Dragons is topped by an emerald-green glass pyramid directly above Cheung's executive suite. Visitors to her floor are greeted by a gurgling white stone fountain in the shape of a lotus, roughly as tall as she is. Since her announcement in Hong Kong, Cheung had been inundated with questions from bankers, investors, and securities analysts about the fate of the company, and this had sharpened her characteristic pugnaciousness. "Why are we in debt?" she asked, fixing me with a level gaze. "I didn't misuse this money on derivatives or something! I took a high level of risk because that is the preparation for the future, so that we will be first in the market when things change."
Compared with some of the flashier members of China's new generation of super-rich, Cheung is ah unreconstructed industrialist. Where they are cool and serene, she is impish and combustible. They pursue a work-life balance and experiment with Taoism; she maintains devout faith only in production. Like others her age — she is old enough to have witnessed the havoc of the Cultural Revolution and young enough to have recovered from it — Cheung is impatient with ideology, but her faith in efficiency borders on the counterproductive; by her count, she is pulled over for speeding at least once a year, because she "can't stand wasting time on the road”. Cheung is perpetually leaning forward, propelled around the room by spasms of exuberance. In conversation, she can sound as if she were channelling China’s industrial id. When I asked her about the future of a company that seemed to have grown faster than its market, she shook her head. “The market waits for no one”, she said. “If I don't develop today, if I wait for a year, or two or three years, to develop, I will have nothing for the market, and I will miss the opportunity. And we will just be very ordinary, like any other factory!" She went on, "We only have a certain number of opportunities in our lifetime. Once you miss it, it’s gone forever."
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