диссертация (1169135), страница 16

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313-326..193-117 ‫ ص‬،2982 ،32 ‫ ش‬،‫ آیینه پژوهش‬،‫ رویکردهای مذهبی در تاریخ ایران به زن‬،‫ مهریزی مهدی‬254Mehrizi M. Religious Approaches to the Woman in the History of Iran. A'yene-e Pajuhesh, vol. 91, 2005. pp. 227236..989-935 ‫ ص‬،2927 ،87 ‫ ش‬،‫ زبان و ادب فارسی دانشگاه تبریز‬،‫ ارشاد نامه‬،‫ میرزای قمی ابوالقاسم‬255Mirza-eQummi A. Ershādnāma. Zaban va Adab-e Farsi-ye Daneshgah-e Tabriz, vol. 87, 1968. pp. 365-383 .66Moreover, in fact, women in Islam are considered to be under men’s protection,‘men are protectors of women’ and our official religion is Islam, so women areunder protection.

They never have the right to vote. Others should protect therights of women, as God says in the Qur’an that women are under protection andso they have no right to elect, neither in religious matter, nor in this-worldlymatters. This is an issue that I have briefly presented”256.Consequently, fundamentalist jurisprudents and high-ranking religiousofficials in contemporary Iran have reduced women’s identity to the second sexwho is isolated, having no social and cultural communications in the society. Theytake any cultural and social activities of women to be in conflict with religiousdoctrines and detrimental to the place of the family in Islam.The Approach of Moderate TraditionalistsIn 1960s, cultural and social developments began in Iran. In this period, themovement against the monarchial rule was initiated by religious clergy under theleadership of Ayatollah Khomeini with the participation of women and men in thesocial and political sphere of Iran.

As time went by, extremist religious views aswell as liberal feminist activities were moderated, so, we see a moderate religiousapproach that not only stopped opposing women’s cultural and social activities,but gave priority to such activities. Thus, since this decade, the Iranian societywitnessed a widespread presence of Muslim women in the process of theformation, the continuation, and the victory of the Islamic Revolution of Iran in1979257..7 ‫ شماره‬.‫ "گذرستان" نشریه الکترونیکی تاریخ سیاسی معاصر ایران‬،‫ پیشینه حق رأی زنان در مجلس شورای ملی‬،‫ جعفریان رسول‬256Ja’fariyan R. The History of Women’s Right to Vote in the Majlis of National Council.

Gozarestan, an ElectronicJournal of the Contemporary Political History of Iran. Gozarestan, nline Journal, № 7. [Electronic resource]. —Mode of access: http://gozarestan.ir/show.php?id=162.1/5/ 2985 ،‫ پایگاه اطالع رسانی حوزه‬،‫ نقش زنان در انقالب اسالمی‬،‫ مصفا نسرین‬257Mosaffa N. Women’s Role in the Islamic Revolution. Portal "Hovzeh", 24.07.2006. [Electronic resource].

— Modeof access: http://www.hawzah.net/fa/article/view/512467In this period, the entitlement theory of justice was developed with atheoretical and theological account in order to demonstrate and reaffirm the socialand cultural position of women. General features of this approach are as follows:They defended the human identity of women and its equality to the identityof men in accordance with Quranic interpretations and discursive accounts.

Theybelieved in differences between women and men only in physical and mentalterms, and they had theological account of jurisprudential and legal differencesbetween women and men. They also defended women’s cultural and socialparticipation and emphasis on its preference258.Unlike earlier jurisprudents, Ayatollah Khomeini had a positive view ofIranian women’s social and cultural identity and role.

He considered women’s roleto lead to the sublimation of societies and nations259, supporting women’s culturalroles. He recommended women to learn various sciences and practice piety,because in his view, knowledge and piety are not exclusive to men260.A prominent scholar who promoted this approach was Ayatollah Motahhari.In his view, women and men are equal with respect to their human identity andperfections, but because of their different creations and gender roles explicitlyassigned to them in Islam, they have legal differences with men with regard to theright for divorce, custody of children, and the like. He explicitly says, “thequantitative value of the rights of men and women are equal, and I can even provethat the quantitative value of women’s right is greater than that of men, but this isnot so qualitatively.

Women and men have different obligations in some cases.Their punishments are also qualitatively different. The equality of the rights ofwomen and men should not be confused with the similarity of the rights of womenand men”261..193-117 ‫ ص‬،2982 ،32 ‫ ش‬،‫ آیینه پژوهش‬،‫ رویکردهای مذهبی در تاریخ ایران به زن‬،‫ مهریزی مهدی‬258Mehrizi M.

Religious Approaches to the Woman in the History of Iran. A'yen-e Pajuhesh, vol. 91, 2005. pp. 227236..259 ‫ ص‬،5 ‫ج‬،2983 ،‫ نشر آثار امام خمینی‬:‫ تهران‬،‫ صحیفه نور‬،‫ موسوی خمینی روح هللا‬259Musavi Khomeini R. Sahife-ye Nur. Tehran: Publications of Imam Khomeini’s Work, vol. 5, 2010, p.

153.260Ibid., vol. 19, p. 121..58 ‫ ص‬،2932 ،‫ نشر صدرا‬،‫ پیرامون جمهوری اسالمی‬،‫ مطهری مرتضی‬26168Thus, on this view, men and women are taken to be different, and yet, equal.The view claims that in the difference between women and men, the balance isfairly and justly in favor of both genders. For example, in case of monogamy, menare permitted only on the condition of their ability to observe justice towardswomen. In return all expenses of a woman’s life are compulsorily undertaken bymen, and a woman can ask for a wage in exchange for taking care of householdchores as well as training and taking care of children at home262.Therefore, these jurisprudents draw a distinction between equality andsimilarity, taking the former to be egalitarianism and the latter to be uniformity.On this account, they seek to show the harmony between the legislative system ofIslam and the system of creation in which women and men have their naturaldifferences.Ayatollah Khamenei, the present religious leader of the Islamic Republic ofIran, agrees with this approach: “it by no means counts as a value for women to besimilar to men.

Either of them has a role, either has a place and nature, and theirspecific conditions in the wise creation of God were because of a certain goal thatshould be realized; this issue is important”263.According to Ayatollah Khamenei, from an Islamic jurisprudentialstandpoint and in terms of the traditional methods of ijtihad, it is possible to makechanges in the direction of women’s cultural and social rights and positions. But herejects any extremist feminist views: “those active in women issues who think andsee shortcomings should seek the cure in modifying the Islamic jurisprudentialrulings. No! Islamic jurisprudential rulings are fully correct and in agreement with[public] interests as long as they are inferred with research and in accordance withMotahhari M.

About the Islamic Republic. Sadra Publications, 1985. p. 58..39-93 ‫ ص‬،2939 ،21 ‫ ش‬،‫ حقوق اسالمی‬،‫ مبانی نظریه عدالت استحقاقی در حقوق زنان‬،‫ هدایت فرج هللا‬262Hedaytollah F. The Foundations of the Entitlement Theory of Justice regarding Women’s Rights. Hoquq-e Eslami,vol. 42, 2014. pp. 39-63.،‫ پایگاه اطالع رسانی دفتر مقام معظم رهبری‬،‫ بیانات در دیدار هزاران نفر از زنان نخبه و فعا ِل در عرصه های مختلف‬،‫خامنه ایی سید علی‬263.2983 ‫ تیرماه‬29Khamenei S.A. Statements in a meeting with thousands of elite women and those active in different domains.

Thewebsite of the Supreme Leader of Iran. 04.07.2007. — Mode of access: http://www.leader.ir/fa/speech/306369Islamic principles. We should not modify our thoughts and our own jurisprudencewith our short-sighted views mixed with intimidation, just because such and suchworld assembly [or] such and such international gathering has decided something,or a so-called world convention is created”264.After the Islamic Revolution of Iran in 1979 and, consequently, thepredominance of the views of moderate Islamists, their views about women’scultural and social identity and activities appeared first in the Iranian Constitutionand then in high-level documents of the Islamic Republic of Iran with differentdegrees of strength.In the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran, women are taken to beequal to men, regardless of their gender roles. Here are some instances:-equal rights in all political, cultural, and social respects in compliance withIslamic rules (Articles 19 and 20);-social security (Article 29);-free educations through the high school (Articles 3 and 30);-the right for litigation and having a lawyer (Articles 34 and 35), theundisputable right for citizenship (Article 41);-the provision of the grounds for job and education (Article 43), the right toelect and to be elected (Articles 3, 62-91 and 100) ;-financial independence and private ownership (Article 47);-occupation of the judicial position (Article 162 and 157);-serving as the head of the national radio and TV (Article 176);-membership in the Assembly of the Discernment of the Exigencies (Article112);-freedom for participation in non-governmental parties and organizations, suchas parties, syndicates, guild associations, and the like (Article 26).264Ibid.70In addition to these cases, the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iranhas obliged the government to determine special rights for women (Article 21),including:-paving the grounds for the growth of women’s character and the revival oftheir material and spiritual rights;-supporting mothers, especially during pregnancy and taking the custody oftheir children, and supporting children without custodians;-establishing competent courts to protect and sustain families;-establishing special insurances for widows, old women, and unprotectedwomen;-giving the custody of children to competent mothers for their interest (ghibṭa)when the jurisprudentially recognized guardian or custodian is absent.265There is a positive view on the part of moderate traditionalist scholars andjurisprudents, explicit principles mentioned in the Constitution against genderdiscriminations, and the increase of women’s abilities in social and culturalactivities.

nonetheless women’s activities are still hindered because oftheirhistorical deprivations, on the one hand, and narrow-minded views about theiridentity and activities, particularly in small, less developed cities and thepredominance of traditional and radical religious views, on the other hand.There have so far been six terms of the “Plan for the Economic, Social andCultural Development” as the high-level document for development in the IslamicRepublic of Iran.

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