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The final sample subjected to our analysis was composed of 397articles (see Table 1).The table shows that the share of problem-oriented articles containingdiscussions of Russia’s accession to the WTO grew after the accession hadalready takenTable 1. Articles in Russian print media related to WTOaccession (December 2010-December 2013)Leaders among print mediaaccording to TPRPopular newspapers(Argumenty i Fakty,Moskovskij komsomolec,Komsomol’skaja pravda)Popular business publications(Èkspert, Kommersant’,Vedomosti)Popular publications focusedon politics and public affairs(Rossijskaja gazeta,Izvestija, Novaja gazeta)TotalNumber of articles beforeNumber of articles after Russia’sRussia’s accession (Decemberaccession (September 20122010-August 2012)December 2013)ContainingContainingopinions andopinions andTotalTotalcommentscomments336562806874856497945521,636631754021,17960222VOL.
47 / N°4 – DÉCEMBRE 201653Russia’s Accession to the WTOcan be found at the following website: http://www.exlibris.ru/rejting-izdanij.Table 2. Operationalization of article componentsComponentCommunicatorIndicatorIndicator valueSphere of originEconomy (industry, agriculture)Politics, governmentAcademic expertiseJournalismAttitude towardsaccessionNegativeNeutralPositiveEmotionality of responseCommunicated issueUsefulness of Russia’s accession to theWTOTerms of Russia’s accession to the WTOAdapting to WTO conditionsPlatform of interestsIndustry and businessmenConsumersCountry as whole (geopolitics)Level of argumentationAbstract arguments (raising country’sprestige, threat to country’s economicsovereignty, inevitability of globalization,etc.)Elaborated arguments (relying on strongevidence, cases and notable experts)MessageCharacter ofargumentationMedium ofcommunicationEmotional UnemotionalAppealing to influential peopleAppealing to surveys of public opinionAppealing to statistical dataAppealing to historic casesAppealing to experience of other countriesAppealing to economic models and researchNo argumentationInformation category ofpublicationPopular newspapersPopular business publicationsPopular publications focused on politics andpublic affairsIdeological stance ofpublicationLiberalRelatively neutralPro-governmentplace.
Moreover, this discussion became most prominent in business publications;i.e., the discussion became more focused and expert-based.To analyze the content of the articles chosen, we used Lasswell’scommunication model (Lasswell, 1927). This idea, despite its respectable age, isstill valid. Lasswell’s book is one of the key works in media studies (ShoemakerVOL.
47 / N°4 – DÉCEMBRE 201654Russia’s Accession to the WTO& Reese, 2011). The model’s limited number of components in the masscommunication process and its clarity made it most convenient for organizing theindicators used in the research. According to this model, the following aspectsare of particular interest: the communicator, the message, the medium andcircumstances of communication, the audience and the impact of the message.To put it more simply, the scheme seeks answers to the following questions: Whoinitiates the argument? What is communicated? How it is communicated? Towhom it is addressed? When it is communicated? The operationalization of thisapproach is presented in Table 2.2.VARIATION IN OPINIONS ABOUT RUSSIA’SACCESSION TO THE WTOFollowing the initial debate on the usefulness of Russia’s accession to theWTO, the discussion in the print media changed substantially to address the risksand real opportunities in this new situation.2.1.From emotions to allegationsThe first noticeable development is diminishing optimism about theaccession.
Before the accession, the print media were mostly flooded withsupporters’ opinions: positive views were present in 47% of the articles, whereasnegative views were present in only 37%. However, following the accessioncriticism became dominant, with support dropping to 24% and oppositionpeaking at 54% (see Figure 2).VOL. 47 / N°4 – DÉCEMBRE 201655Russia’s Accession to the WTOFigure 2.
Attitudes towards Russia’s accession to WTOFigure 3. Different communities’ participation in discussionabout WTOSecond, the background of the debaters changed. Academic experts andgovernment officials seem to have abandoned the debate, leaving it to journalistsand the business community (see Figure 3).
Politicians and officials lost interestin the WTO discussion after the issue was ultimately resolved.Third, the debate shifted from discussing the accession to the WTO itself todiscussing the particular terms that Russia agreed to when it became a member.VOL. 47 / N°4 – DÉCEMBRE 201656Russia’s Accession to the WTOBefore August 2012, a majority of articles (68%) either criticized or praisedRussia’s intention to join the WTO.
They either propagated a commitment tosupport integration with the world economic community or, conversely,demanded protectionist measures to safeguard the national economy. After theaccession, the debate became more focused: 56% of the articles moved towardsdiscussing tariffs on particular goods, authorized subsidy rates, limits for statesupport, etc. This “late response” may be because the last phase of negotiationswas hurried (which was quite unexpected given the relatively long history ofRussia’s accession), and business was actually informed about many of thedecisions only after the deal had been settled33.Table 3. Character of argumentation in debates aboutRussia’s accession to WTO (before and after accession)Share of articles (percent)Character of argumentationAppeal to statistical dataBefore accessionAfter accession3038Appeal to foreign experience73Appeal to historic cases31Appeal to researchNo serious argumentation105958Fourth, the emotional weight of the discussion decreased.
When WTOmembership became a fait accompli in Russia, there was no longer a reason tofight against it, and the debate more or less calmed down: 84% of the articleswere less expressive (i.e., calling the event “catastrophic”, “devastating”,“dramatic”, etc.), focusing instead on facts and analysis.It was also characteristic of the WTO discussion that most opinions wereexpressed relatively boldly and were unsupported by sufficient evidence andarguments. Approximately 60% of the articles chosen contained nothing butempty speculations about the WTO’s possible usefulness or harm, i.e., they weremere allegations (see Table 3).
If any argumentation was present, it relied mostlyon statistical data. However, it looked as though the use and interpretation of33. “It was only after all of the formal procedures of Russia’s accession to the WTO werecompleted that Russian meat producers learned about them” (“Kolbasnaja kapituljacija” [Sausagecapitulation], Èkspert, September 10, 2012); “No one ever told us that the 40% tariff for porkimports […] would go down to 5%. I have no idea why they remained silent.
Was it an accident oron purpose?” (“Svinovodov pojmali na ‘živka’” [Pig producers were caught for pork in liveweight], Èkspert, October 1, 2012).VOL. 47 / N°4 – DÉCEMBRE 201657Russia’s Accession to the WTOstatistics were manipulated to back the view of either supporters or opponents ofaccession.Relying on other countries’ experience was much less popular, withsupporters most typically extolling the cases of China, Vietnam and Hong Kongand opponents pointing to the cases of Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan. Finally, it ischaracteristic of the debate itself that appeals to public opinion wereinsignificant.In summary, the debate about the WTO in the Russian print media becameless optimistic and emotional and more focused on discussing terms that affectcertain sectors of the economy, making the debate appear somewhat similar toconspiracy-type lobbying.2.2.Arguments of supporters and opponents ofRussia’s WTO membershipOur analysis of the chosen articles also reveals the arguments that were usedin the debate about the WTO (see Table 4).
Each article might contain manyTable 4. Arguments against Russia’s accession to WTOArgumentThreat to certain economic sectorsShare of articlesentcontaining argumBefore accessionAfter accession41%40%56%13%27%11%7%7%Reduced taxes6%4%Increased unemployment/lack of newworkplacesThreat to national food security6%2%5%1%Russia’s unpreparedness for accession4%1%Threat to economy as a whole due touncompetitiveness of Russian producersLimitation on support for undevelopedindustriesIncrease in low-quality imports (GMOs, etc.)Threat to national sovereignty1%1%Price inflation0%1%Absence of qualified negotiators to promoteRussia’s interests in trade agreements0%4%VOL. 47 / N°4 – DÉCEMBRE 201658Russia’s Accession to the WTOPossible claims/complaints of other countriesagainst Russia0%8%arguments.
The opponents of Russia’s membership in the WTO most oftenmentioned the threat to certain economic sectors or the Russian economy as awhole due to the general uncompetitiveness of Russian producers.Table 4 shows that politicized arguments, such as arguments related to threatsto Russia’s sovereignty and food security, were unpopular.
The discussion wasprimarily centered on the economy and moved from discussing the WTO’simpact on the Russian economy as a whole to examining problems related toparticular industries.It is characteristic that with accession to the WTO, the list of “worries”expanded rather than contracted. Following accession, the list included the riskof possible lawsuits due to Russia’s discriminatory economic policy, along withthe lack of qualified negotiators to defend national interests within the WTOinfrastructure. Prior to August 2012, the debates did not mention those threats.Supporters of Russia’s membership of the WTO sought to prove thataccession would create an impetus for development, reduce prices and easeRussian companies’ entry into foreign markets (see Table 5).
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