Abstract Kazun A.D. (1136840), страница 4
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24(5): 441–455.media19. However, a number of works prove the opposite20. In Russia it is alsodifficult to draw conclusions about the differences in the agendas of different typesof mass media: in some cases they are significantly similar, whereas on other topicsthey diverge21. Thus, it would be correct to extend the results of this study only tothe discussion in press, while comparative studies of economic discussions indifferent types of mass media can be an important area for the further developmentof the topic.Main results of the study1.Based on the analysis of empirical studies of economic discussions in themedia, it can be concluded that personal economic expectations can be influencedby personal experience, whereas the understanding of the economic situation in thecountry is to a large extent determined by mass media communications.
Discussionsthat form an understanding of the economy play a significant role in ensuring andmaintaining social, power and cognitive embeddedness of the economic action22.Prevailing economic theories are reflected in the interpretation of problems in themass media, thus the dominant neoliberal view of the economy can lead to thecoverage of the crisis as a short-term problem related to unsecured debts andindividual behavior, whereas within the framework of Keynesianism the crisis will19Belt T. L., Just M.
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Framing Anti‐Americanism and the Media in South Korea: TV vs Newspaper // Pacific Focus. 24(3): 341–364.Russell Neuman W., Guggenheim L., Jang S. M., Young Bae S. 2014. The Dynamics of Public Attention: Agenda‐SettingTheory Meets Big Data // Journal of Communication. 64(2): 193–214.21A.D. Kazun. 2018. "Spotlight do not ignore": Alexey Navalny in Russian mass media // Polity: Analysis. Narrative.Forecast.
88(1): 47-64. Kazun A. D., Kazun A. 2017. Coverage of Three Tragedies in the Russian Media: Application ofthe Network Agenda Model / NRU Higher School of Economics. Series PS "Political Science". No. WP BRP 48/PS/2017.22M. Granovetter 2002. Economic action and social structure: problem of enrooting // Economic Sociology. 3(3): 4458.
R. Svedberg 2004. New economic sociology: what is done and what lies ahead? // Economic Sociology. 5(4): 3755. Dequech D. 2003. Cognitive and Cultural Embeddedness: Combining Institutional Economics and EconomicSociology // Journal of Economic Issues. 37(2): 461–470. Zukin S., DiMaggio P. (eds.). 1990. Structures of Capital: TheSocial Organization of the Economy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.be presented as a systemic problem23.
A similar focus of the discussion in its turnaffects the views and behavior of the people. Thus, it is possible to talk about theperformativity of economic knowledge and high role of mass media in economiclife. Schematically, economic news can be inscribed in a triangle, where the peaksare the real situation, the mass media and the public opinion, and between almost allthe peaks there will be bilateral connections (see Figure 1). Thus, economicdiscussions in the mass media are an element of a complex system of relationships.Figure 1Scheme of interaction between discussions in the mass media, public opinion andeconomic realityInterpersonalcommunicationPublic opinionEditorial policy, the values andnorms of journalistsEconomicrealitySource of information,reason for relevanceMediaProvidingfavorableinformation, censorship, paidnewsInterest groups:business, power2.The intensity of the discussion on the issues of Russia's accession to the WTOand the implementation of economic sanctions depended on external factors (thenegotiation process, the adoption of sanctions lists), positions of interest groups23Bjerke P., Fonn B.
2015. A Hidden Theory in Financial Crisis Journalism? Nordicom Review. 36 (2): 113–127.(including declarations by government officials) and the existence of competingissues. The nature of coverage of these economic events was partly determined bythe focus on the audience: guided by market logic mass media simplified thebroadcasted information. For example, more than 50% of articles on the WTO didnot contain any justification of the opinions expressed, including links to statisticaldata, research results, historical experience and similar processes in other countries.Publications in the mass media also avoided weak arguments such as "the WTO willallow joining the OECD" or "the risks of complaints against Russia to the WTOdispute settlement." Most often specific arguments that could be easily illustrated byexamples were used. Such communication strategy allowed to reach a wideraudience, as bright images simplify the understanding of economic processes andsolutions by the population.3.The nature of coverage of events in the mass media varied significantly indynamics.
The study of publications in the press about economic sanctions showedthat, initially, the discussion on this issue started from the annexation of the Crimea.Thus, in March 2014, more than 50% of articles on this topic contained the name ofthe peninsula. However, later the share of such texts began to decline and byDecember 2014 it did not exceed 12%.
At the same time, more and more often thesanctions are mentioned in the context of fluctuations in the ruble exchange rate andchanges in oil prices. In this way, discussion begins to focus more on theconsequences of sanctions rather than on their causes. Perhaps this partly explainsthe low effectiveness of economic sanctions as a way to change state policy. In caseof discussion about the WTO, after joining the organization this topic began to becovered by the Russian mass media in a more negative sense. If prior to Russia'saccession to the WTO the space of print media was slightly dominated by thesupporters of this decision, after August 2012 the critical position became morepopular.
Thus, for a year and a half immediately preceding the accession of Russiato the WTO, 47% of articles assessed this action positively, and 37% ‑ negatively.In the next year and a half, the situation changed notably: only 24% of the articlesremained positive, while 54% contained a criticism of the conditions, in which theRussian economy found itself due to WTO membership. In part, this may be due tonew difficulties that at this stage arose both for the businessmen and for the officials.Another possible explanation is the change in the composition of the participants inthe discussion.4.The discussion on Russia's accession to the WTO was constructed by variousinterest groups. The tone of the discussion was largely determined by therepresentation of the positions of these groups in the public space.
After Russia'saccession to the WTO, the most active supporters of this measure ‑ politicians andofficials ‑ began to comment less on this topic in the mass media, which contributedto the coverage of this event in a more negative manner. Business representativesexpressed doubts about the desirability of membership in the WTO on the terms thatRussia accepted before accessing the organization. After Russia became a memberof the WTO, this interest group continued to actively criticize the decision, turningthe accession to the trade organization into a new legitimate framework of lobbying,thus justifying the requests for state aid and preferences.
Economic sanctions werealso used by business as an argument for the need to increase the scale of statesupport. Thus, both the measures aimed at increasing competition in the Russianmarket (accession to the WTO) and decisions contributing to its reduction (foodembargo), serve as the basis for requesting state aid. Such communicative strategyof the business allows politicians and officials to deproblematize these issues,underlining that negative statements concerning WTO, economic sanctions and foodembargo pursue not public but individual interests.
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