Kuleva_summary in english (Труд творческих работников России структурные условия, профессиональные идентичности и карьеры), страница 6

Nevertheless, it is necessary to point out a greater degree of informality in theorganization of the work process in these institutions, due to which the terms of the contract differfrom the actual work conditions. This discrepancy does not occur in the interests of workers. Inparticular, the beginning of the working day is strictly regulated, while its end is floating, workersoften do not leave the workplace until they actually finish their work (in some cases, employeesspent night hours in offices), overtime is not paid additionally, while in case of being late for workthe next day, the employee may get a fine.

Long hours, not regulated by the contract, cannot beexplained in this case by the “passionate”69 attitude to work, which is typical for many categoriesof non-standardized employment. Articles 1 and 2 show that overtime is associated with the socialnorms of work in these cultural institutions, the “Stakhanov ethos” of labour practices. This canbe seen most clearly in Article 2 where solidarity with colleagues was one of the central values forworkers. The regulation was the result of the opposition of a "good man", capable of overtime orurgent expansion of work responsibilities for the sake of "common cause", and "those who sayno".3.

Career trajectories of Russian creative workers.67DiMaggio P., Powell W. Novi vzgliad na «zheleznuiu kletku»: institutsionalni izomorfizm i kollektivnaiaratsionalnost v organizatsionnikh poliakh (translated by GB Yudina) //Ekonomicheskaia sotsiologia. – 2010. – V.11. – №. 1.

– P. 34-56.68In a few cases, there were open ended contracts in public organizations.69Duffy B. E. The romance of work: Gender and aspirational labour in the digital culture industries //InternationalJournal of Cultural Studies. – 2016. – Т. 19. – №. 4. – С. 441-457.19The above-described features of the Russian system of cultural production were very clearlyrevealed in the analysis of career trajectories of workers in creative industries. In particular, mostof them got their education in state universities (art critics or art managers in Articles 1 and 2,artists in Article 3). When building a further career in the public sector, their transition from studyto work can be described as quite smooth: many of the informants of case 1 and 2 were able to gettheir first job after practicing in a particular cultural institution right after graduation; many of theyoung artists (Article 3) were invited to join the Union of Artists, which provided opportunitiesfor accessing the artwork sale, exhibitions without rent in the city center, getting a studio for longterm use with an extremely low or absent rent.

This situation is absolutely different from forEuropean cities, where getting the first unpaid work (internship) can take quite some time. Theworking debut in the private sector was is related to greater difficulties70: firstly, because theuniversities had no established contacts with these cultural institutions; secondly, since theunderstanding of professionalism in such organizations turned out to be much more complex,unconventional, based more on the personal qualities and network capital of the employee, whichis more typical for project employment than for institutional organizations71. Despite thedifferences in the employment experience, the further career steps72 of young workers are similar:they tend to stay for the longest time in one place of work rather than build a career in differentorganizations73. The conducted analysis showed that large cultural organizations cannot offeryoung employees enough career opportunities: this is especially true of the jobs that involve thework that is seen by informants as "more creative" (for example, the curator is "more creative"work than the treasurer).

Small cultural organizations (mainly in the private sector), on thecontrary, offer young workers career advancement, but on closer examination, the advancement isillusory: the new post does not imply an increase in wages and other improvements in workingconditions (in some cases, on the contrary, it results in deteriorating working conditions), but ratherleads to an increase in the number and dilution of work responsibilities.4. Creative Identities. The analysis of the creative identities of Russian workers also revealedsimilarities and differences with European cases.

The main similarity was the strong link, theinseparability of the "I" (self) from creative activity, within which the life project is being70D. Strebkov and A. Shevchuk mention the technological gap between the educational technologies of universitiesand the demands of the market felt by the IT sector (Strebkov, Shevchuk 2008:27).71Grabher G. Cool projects, boring institutions: temporary collaboration in social context //Regional studies.

–2002. – Т. 36. – №. 3. – С. 205-214.72Here, the analysis only is based on cases 1 and 2.73This analysis is more related to managers of cultural institutions than to artists, but the logic of choosing morepermanent workers' groups is typical for Russian artists united in art groups, as described by A.S. Pivovarov andA.M. Khokhlova.20implemented. Similarly to Western countries, the creative identity is rooted in the biography ofworkers. In case of Russia, self-identification with selected creative job appears even earlier thanin Europe due to the long way of professionalization through out-of-school education (art school,art criticism classes at museums), for many of the informants it became the first immersion in theprofessional activity. However, here the similarities of creative identities in these two cases end.Thus, A.

McRobbie conceptualizes the British political project of creative work as a kind ofexchange: the person who chooses the creative path leaves the social guarantees provided by theneoliberal state in exchange for the opportunity of doing deliberately whatever he wants, insteadof mastering a serious but boring profession74. Thus, the British creative "I" is a hedonistic andindividualistic project. The reverse side of enjoying the creativity is the responsibility of theneoliberal subject, who, in the situation of the blurring of social structures, is forced, according tothe earlier work of McRobbie, to "turn himself into micro-structures", performing the functions of"self-monitoring and reflection"75. The creative identities of Russian artists are based on thenotions of a "typical work" of an industrial society. In particular, informants do not reproduce thepatterns of high mobility and network creativity, but, as it has already been mentioned, they areaiming to work in one organization for a long period, being ready to take responsibility for theactivities of the organization and to which they would like to invest their own emotions and talent.Creative work is understood by informants not in terms of pleasure, but in the rhetoric of dedicatingthemselves to a high culture, which will stay for a long time, even if the employee who dedicatedthemselves to it remains unnamed.General conclusions of the studyThis thesis analyses the relationship between the system of cultural production and thespecifics of creative work and employment based on visual art in large cities of Russia.

Inparticular, this dissertational research proposed the first methodological scheme for adaptingcreative work critical studies to institutional contexts alternative to Western European cases. Theanalysis of the obtained data made it possible to reveal that the system of culture different fromthe western one, presupposing a high level of centralization and control, provides specialopportunities where career trajectories, identities and working conditions of creative workers arebeing formed both in the public and private sectors of Russian creative economy.

The researchreveals the continuity of the Soviet experience of institute-building in culture, seen both in cultural74McRobbie A. Be creative: Making a living in the new culture industries. – John Wiley & Sons, 2018, p.35.McRobbie A.

Clubs to companies: Notes on the decline of political culture in speeded up creative worlds//Cultural studies. – 2002. – Т. 16. – №. 4. – С. 517.7521management practices (cultural policy), and in the system of professional education. For youngRussian creative workers, the transition from education to the labour market is smoother than fortheir colleagues in Western Europe; they are much more interested in a permanent job in a largecultural institution than on project employment in small companies, in investing emotions andtalent into collective activity rather than having a riskier career aimed at personal recognition.

Atfirst glance, the Russian system of cultural production offers more opportunities for labourprotection than, in particular, the British one: longer contracts (in some cases, indefinite), socialguarantees and benefits (for example, the possibility of getting a studio for a long time, for youngartists). At the same time, serious discrepancies were found between the real working conditionsand conditions described in the contract, and the creative workers did not intend to fight for theirlegally prescribed rights. The latter is an example of the double work regulation in the Russiancreative sector: the coexistence of a rigid formal structure and a substituting system of informalarrangements within a single cultural institution.