Kuleva_summary in english (Труд творческих работников России структурные условия, профессиональные идентичности и карьеры), страница 5

Petersburg with a various educational experience. Theinformants are young artists from 21 to 32 years old, representatives of city educational institutionsof St. Petersburg: Faculty of Liberal Arts and Sciences (FSIN) of St. Petersburg State University(master program in "Visual Arts") and the St. Petersburg State Art and Industrial Academy namedafter A.L. Stieglitz (informally known as "Mukha"). Three additional interviews were also taken:students of the program for young artists of the Pro Arte Foundation and the School of InvolvedArt of the What to Do? Art group (SHVICH).

The empirical basis of the study included 15 indepth interviews (7 of them were taken from students and recent graduates of the "Mukha", 6 weretaken from the students of the FSIN SPbSU, 2 interviews were from students of "Pro Arte" and 1from the student of SHVICH, who also studies in the FSIN) . An important criterion in the choiceof informants was professional experience, which was conceptualized through the experience ofparticipating in group exhibitions or conducting one's own (10 informants had such experience).Field access and specifics of data collectionAccess to the field was carried out using several strategies. First, the most obvious of them was tocontact directly the selected organizations through their official channels, which happened in abouta third of cases in Moscow and St.

Petersburg. However, this strategy was not optimal: firstly, theshare of refusals was high enough; secondly, the interview topic implied a certain trust betweenthe informant and the interviewer, which was more difficult to establish with the interviewer16completely anonymous. Using this strategy ("from the street"), when recruiting the authorpreferred to use social networks: often this had a positive effect since informants noted the fact ofhaving common friends and interests, visited events.

This experience can be collated with A.Marvasti's self-disclosure strategies of the researcher in the field, when the researcher's loss ofanonymity, the trust of informants of any details of his life became the reasons for rapprochementand trust building between them63. The main strategies for recruiting informants were the use ofinformal communication channels, the snowball method was used: the author of the thesis askedthose workers whom she already knew to recommend colleagues employed in this or thatorganization.Regarding the recruiting of the informants and the process of communication with them, it isnecessary to note the peculiarities of this field.

Many researchers who write about conductingqualitative interviews note the need to recognize the communication between the researcher andthe participant of the research as, on the one hand, non-neutral interaction, on the other hand, theinterviewing process reproduces inequalities and hierarchies existing in the society, in particular,in age or gender. This issue, in the Russian-language discussion, is raised, in particular, by A.Temkina and E.

Zdravomyslova, summarizing the experience of foreign research: "Theseexamples demonstrate the process of producing gender in the interview situation. The researchersnote that the communication of the interview is not gender neutral, where there is an abstract,sexless scientist and his informant that has a certain gender"64. In case of carrying out a researchin the artistic environment, the unique characteristics of this millet are already superimposed onthis specifics widely spread in different social environments. In particular, due to the largeinformalization of this field, the role of the interviewer increased (informants assessed the degreeof the interviewer's involvement in the field, social capital, and even the interviewer's clothingstyle65). In addition, some of the informants viewed the interview process as a career opportunity:in particular, some of them offered to invite them to speak at the university with an open lectureon the topic of the interview or publish the text of the conversation.Data analysisThe interviews were transcribed, then coded, two code registers were used: "theoretical"(reflecting the main concepts and positions of the theoretical framework) and "descriptive" (thesecodes can be compared with the topics originally specified in the guide) (Pierce 2008: 242-243 ).63Marvasti A.

Qualitative research in sociology. – Sage, 2003., pp 49-50.Zdravomislova E., Tomkina A. Feministskie refleksii o polevom issledovanii //Laboratorium. Zhurnal sotsialnikhissledovanii. – 2014. – №. 1., p. 102.6465One of the informants, in particular, remarked: "I see how you dress, your style, the artists you know ... we arenot conceptual contemporary art that interests you" (from the field diary).17Analytical work with the interview database consisted of two stages: at the first stage, the workwas conducted with an interview of one group (for example, only interviews from St. Petersburg),then interviews of different groups were compared in several parameters (inter-city comparison,comparison by sector - public / private).

During the work on individual parts of the study (the St.Petersburg part of the study), a group discussion and the "long table" technique were used (Shanin1998).Main results of the studyOne can admit that there are processes of transformation of the system of cultural production,which were launched, but proceed extremely slowly or stopped, which makes this systemcomparable to the Soviet one.

Thus, as shown in Article 166 cultural policy is still oriented towardslong-term support of large state cultural organizations based on limited competition, which, firstly,strengthens the centralization of the cultural economy; secondly, allows preserving the oldprinciples of organization of cultural institutions oriented more on long-term activity than on shortterm projects (the latter are very typical for the neoliberal organization of culture).

At the sametime, it is impossible to neglect the development of the private sector in the Russian culturaleconomy. The 1990s - 2000s can be characterized as the time of the active development of thevisual arts infrastructure, financed by private funds. The largest metropolitan art centers (see Case2), such as the Garage Museum of Modern Art, Strelka Institute, Vinzavod, the Jewish Museumand others are financed by private funds. The same can be said about the institutes of professionaleducation (Institute for Contemporary Arts, Baza Institute, British Higher School of Design inMoscow, School of a Young Artist "Pro Arte", School of Involved Art "What to Do?", PaideiaSchool in St.

Petersburg), professional media and cultural support funds. The empirical part of thestudy (cases 1, 2, 3) showed that these organizations are guided in their activity by the values andstandards of the global art world. Nevertheless, interviews and observations have shown that manypractices and elements of institutional design have been borrowed from public sectororganizations.

In particular, both large and small-scale cultural institutions belonging to the private66For the readers’ convenience the publication containing main results of the study are indicated as follows: Article1: Kuleva M. Cultural Administrators as Creative Workers: the Case of Public and Non- governmental CulturalInstitutions in St. Petersburg // Cultural Studies. 2018. Vol. 32. No. 5. P. 727-746; Article 2 - Kuleva M. I.Transformacija tvorcheskoj zanjatosti v sovremennoj Rossii: na primere sotrudnikov negosudarstvennyh art-centrovMoskvy [Transformation of creative employment in Russia: the case of non-governmental art-centres in Moscow] //Monitoring obshhestvennogo mnenija: Jekonomicheskie i social'nye peremeny. 2017.

№ 2. S. 50-62; Article 3:Kuleva M. I. Sovremennoe iskusstvo kak professija: kar'ernye puti molodyh hudozhnikov s raznym obrazovatel'nymbjekgraundom (sluchaj Sankt-Peterburga) [Contemporary art as a profession: career paths of young artists with adistinctive educational background]// Zhurnal sociologii i social'noj antropologii. 2016. T. XIX. № 1. S. 110-124.18sector sought to copy the organizational structure of a large museum. Many forms of bureaucracywere developed in a lot of private organizations, and large volumes of paper work were necessary.The latter can be explained both through the concepts of institutional isomorphism67 and as hiddencontrol by the state. In particular, in the case of two private cultural organizations that wereincluded in the study, the audit of financial statements by the relevant state bodies proved to be aneffective lever of pressure on the content of exhibition projects and program activities.2.

Working conditions in the public and private sectors of the creative economy of Russia.Analysis of working conditions of creative industries workers in Russian made it possible toidentify both common features and differences from European cases. In particular, all cases arecharacterized by low pay, long working hours, cases of unpaid work, emotional burnout. Smallprivate sector organizations (Article 1) are characterized by instability in the preservation of theworkplace, both at the individual level and at the level of the organization, which can easily beclosed. The work of employees of large cultural institutions (both public and private) seems moreprotected at the level of contracts, many of which are of great duration68 and include socialprotection mechanisms (health insurance, annual leave, the possibility of maternity leave andparental leave).