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Chapter 3. Cockney as an example of a broad accent of British English

According to V. Parashchuk, an example of an accent representing much-localized, non-standard English is Cockney, the broadest London working-class speech. Historically, Cockney has been the major influence in the phonetic development of RP, and many of its current changes can be related to Cockney pronunciation. Let us summarize the most essential information on the origin of Cockney, the revealing features of its grammar, vocabulary, and major phonetic distinctions. Cockney is distinguished by its special usage of vocabulary - rhyming slang. Many of its expressions have passed into common language. It developed as a way of obscuring the meaning of sentences to those who did not understand the slang. It remains a matter of speculation whether this was a linguistic accident, or whether it was developed intentionally to assist criminals or to maintain a particular community [http://www.nationmaster.com/encyclopedia/cockneyrhyming slang]. Rhyming slang works by replacing the word to be obscured with the first word of a phrase that rhymes with that word. For instance, "face" would be replaced by "boat", because face rhymes with "boat race" [http//www.nationmaster.com/encyclopedia/cockneyrhymingslang].

Similarly "feel" becomes "plates" ("plates of meat"), and "money" is "bread" (a very common usage, from "bread and honey"). Sometimes the full phrase is used, for example "Currant Bun" to mean The Sun (often referring to the British tabloid newspaper of that name). Some substitutions have become relatively widespread in England, for example, to "have a butcher's" means to have a look, from the rhyming slang "butcher's hook".[Parashchuk: 2005]

J. Gimson states that there are no differences in the inventory of vowel and consonant phonemes between RP and Cockney [Gimson: 2001:87] and there are relatively few differences of phoneme lexical distribution. There are, however, a large number of differences in realization of phonemes. Most striking realizational differences can be summarized as follows [Gimson: 2001:86-87].

In consonants:

1. H dropping. /h/ is not pronounced in initial positions in words which have this phoneme in RP, e.g. have, hat, horse = /av/, /æt/, /ho:s/. /h/ is used, however, in initial positions in words which in RP begin with a vowel. Thus the words air, atmosphere, honesty are pronounced in Cockney as /heә/, /hætmæsfiә/, /׳honәsti/.

The following examples are taken from film “My fair lady”

e.g. You ain’t heard what I come for yet. /e.g. I’m come to have lessons, I am. /e.g. I won’t stay here if I don’t like. / e.g. He ain’t above giving lessons, not him: I heard him say so. /

2. TH fronting/stopping. The contrast between /θ/ and /f/ is completely lost and between / ð / and /v/ is occasionally lost, e.g. think, father - /fink/, /׳fa: vә /. When / ð/ occurs initially, it is either dropped or replaced by /d/, e.g. this and that = /'disn'dæt/. e.g. I ain’t got no mother.(FL) /

3. L vocalization. Dark [ł] (i.e. in positions not immediately before vowels) becomes vocalic [υ], e.g. milk, table = /miυk/, /teibυ/. When the preceding vowel is /o:/, /l/ may disappear completely, e.g. called = /kho:d/.

4. T glottalling is widely spread in Cockney accent. /t/ is realized as a glottal stop following vowels, laterals, and nasals, e.g. butterfly = /'bΛ?tәflai/. /t/ between vowels is not aspirated, and is often replaced by /d/ or /r/ or the glottal stop /?/ ,e.g. get away, better = /'ged ә'wei/, /׳gerә'wei/, /'ge?ә'wei/; /'bedә/, /'berә/, /'be?ә/.

There may be similar replacement of /p/. /k/ before a following consonant, e.g. soapbox /'sæυ?boks/, technical /'te?ni?u/ [Gimson 2001:88].

e.g. What that you say? /

5. yod-coalescence. There is coalescence of /t/, /d/ before /j/ into / tʃ /, and / dʒ/ , e.g. tube [tʃu:b], during [' dʒυәriŋ], but elision of /j/ following by/n/, e.g. news [nu:z].

e.g. I won’t let you wallop me!

/

Main distinctions in the realization of cockney vowels include [Gimson: 2001:87-88]:

1. The short front vowels /e/, /æ/ tend to be closer than in RP so much, that Cockney sat may sound as set and set like sit to the speakers of other accents.

2. Among the long vowels, most noticeable is the diphthongization of /i:/→/әi/, /u:/→/әu/, thus bead =/bәid/, boot =/bәut/. When /o:/ is final, it is pronounced as /owә/, sore, saw = /sowә/; when it is not final, its realization is closer/oυ/.

3. Diphthong shift. Cockney uses distinctive pronunciation of RP diphthongs:

/ei/ is realized as /ai/ e.g. lady = /'laidi/;

/ai/ sounds as /oi/~/ai/, e.g. price= /prois/;

/әυ/ sounds as /æυ/ e.g. load /læυd/;

/aυ/ sounds as /a:/, e g loud /la:d/;

4. /i/ lengthening, /i/ in word final positions sound', as /i:/.e .g. city /'siti:/

5. Weakening. RP diphthong /әυ/ in window, pillow is weakened to schwa /ә/. You, to are pronounced as /jә/, /tә/, especially finally, e.g. see you, try to [Gimson:2001].

Chapter 4. Black British as one of the most widespread dialects in Great Britain

Black British is a term which has had different meanings and uses as a racial and political label. Historically it has been used to refer to any non-white British national. The term was first used at the end of the British Empire, when several major colonies formally gained independence and thereby created a new form of national identity. The term was at that time (1950s) used mainly to describe those from the former colonies of Africa, and the Caribbean, i.e. the New Commonwealth. In some circumstances the word "Black" still signifies all ethnic minority populations [12]. Historically, the term has most commonly been used to refer to those of New Commonwealth origin. For example, Southall Black Sisters was established in 1979 "to meet the needs of black (Asian and Afro-Caribbean) women". (Note that "Asian" in the British context means from South Asia only.) "Black" was used in this inclusive political sense to mean "not white British" - the main groups in the 1970s were from the British West Indies and the Indian subcontinent, but solidarity against racism extended the term to the Irish population of Britain as well. Several organizations continue to use the term inclusively, such as the Black Arts Alliance, who extend their use of the term to Latin America and all refugees, and the National Black Police Association.

Jatinder Verma claims that Black British was also an identity of Black people in Sierra Leone (known as the Krio) who considered themselves British. They are generally the descendants of black people who lived in England in the 18th century and freed Black American slaves who fought for the Crown in the American Revolutionary War (see also Black Loyalists). In 1787, hundreds of London's Black poor (a category which included the East Indian) agreed to go to this West African country on the condition that they would retain the status of British subjects, to live in freedom under the protection of the British Crown and be defended by the Royal Navy [12].

During this era there was a rise of black settlements in London. Britain was involved with the tri-continental slave trade between Europe, Africa and the Americas. Black slaves were attendants to sea captains and ex-colonial officials as well as traders, plantation owners and military personnel. Many of these people were forced into beggary due to the lack of jobs and racial discrimination. The involvement of merchants from the British Isles in the transatlantic slave trade was the most important factor in the development of the Black British community. These communities flourished in port cities strongly involved in the slave trade, such as Liverpool (from 1730) and Bristol Around the 1750s London became the home of many of Blacks, Jews, Irish, Germans, and Huguenots. The late 19th century effectively ended the first period of large scale black immigration to London and Britain. This decline in immigration gave way to the gradual incorporation of blacks and their descendents into this predominantly white society. It was in the period after the Second World War, however, that the largest influx of Black people occurred, mostly from the British West Indies. This migration event is often labeled "Windrush", a reference to the Empire Windrush, the ship that carried the first major group of Caribbean migrants to the United Kingdom in 1948. "Caribbean" is itself not one ethnic or political identity; for example, some of this wave of immigrants were Indo-Caribbean. The most widely used term then used was "West Indian" (or sometimes "coloured"). Today the black population of London is 1,001,000 or 13% of the population of London. 5% of Londoners are Caribbean, 7% of Londoners are African and a further 1% are from other black backgrounds including American and Latin American. There are also 113,800 people who are mixed black and white [12]. Linton Kwesi Johnson is probably the best known poet in Britain who is currently using Creole ( Black English) . The poem "Sonny's Lettah", appeared in print in his anthology "Inglan' is a Bitch" (1980) and was recorded on his album Forces of Victory. I have read through "Sonny's Lettah" while listening to the tape and marked differences between Standard English and the English used in the poem. Here is the snatch of this song:

“Dear Ma Maa,

Good Day

I hope that when these few lines reach you

they may find you in the best of health

Ma Maa I really don' know how to tell yu dis

'cause , I did meck a solemn promise

to teck care a likkle Jim and try

mi best fi look out fi 'im

Ma Maa a really did try mi best

but none de less

mi sorry fi tell yu sey

poor likkle Jim get aress'

it was de middle a de rush 'our

when everybody jus' a hustle an a bustle

fi go 'ome fi dem evenin' shower…”

I have noticed that where odd or unusual spelling has been used, this reflected a difference in pronunciation.

So, the following examples are:

1. BrEn these /ði:z/ corresponds to Black BrEn deze /dis/.

2. BrEn best /best/ corresponds to Black BrEn bes' /bes/.

3. BrEn health /hælθ/ corresponds to Black BrEn helt' /helt/.

4. BrEn they /ðei/ corresponds to Black BrEn dem /dem/.

At the level of sounds, Creole has some characteristics which are associated with regional and working-class varieties of English, and some others which are found only in Caribbean Creole. Some of the most important differences:

1. The vowel of Black BrEn in the word cup is like the vowel of BrEN cop/kΛp/

2. The vowel of Black BrEn in the word all is like the vowel of BrEn are /a:l/

3. The vowels of Rlack BrEn in the words day and home are diphthongs /dai/ and /hoυm/ unlike BrEn /dei/ and /heυm/.

4. The first consonant of thump in Black BrEn is pronounced /tΛmp/ unlike BrEn /θΛmp/ [13].

Chapter 5. Differences in pronunciation between British and American English

According to Edward Finegan, written forms of American and British English as found in newspapers and textbooks vary little in their essential features, with only occasional noticeable differences in comparable media (comparing American newspapers to British newspapers, for example). This kind of formal English, particularly written English, is often called 'standard English'. An unofficial standard for spoken American English has also developed, as a result of mass media and geographic and social mobility. It is typically referred to as 'standard spoken American English' (SSAE) or 'General American English' (GenAm or GAE), and broadly describes the English typically heard from network newscasters, commonly referred to as non-regional diction, although local newscasters tend toward more parochial forms of speech. Despite this unofficial standard, regional variations of American English have not only persisted but have actually intensified, according to linguist William Labov [14].

Crystal Claims that regional dialects in the United States typically reflect the elements of the language of the main immigrant groups in any particular region of the country, especially in terms of pronunciation and vernacular vocabulary. Scholars have mapped at least four major regional variations of spoken American English: Northern, Southern, Midland, and Western. The spoken forms of British English vary considerably, reflecting a long history of dialect development amid isolated populations. Dialects and accents vary not only between the countries in the United Kingdom, England, Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales, but also within these individual countries. British and American English are the reference norms for English as spoken, written, and taught in the rest of the world. For instance, the English-speaking members of the Commonwealth often closely follow British English forms while many new American English forms quickly become familiar outside of the United States. Although the dialects of English used in the former British Empire are often, to various extents, based on British English, most of the countries concerned have developed their own unique dialects, particularly with respect to pronunciation, idioms, and vocabulary; chief among them are Canadian English and Australian English, which rank third and fourth in number of native speakers. The English language was first introduced to the Americas by British colonization, beginning in the early 17th century. Similarly, the language spread to numerous other parts of the world as a result of British trade and colonization elsewhere and the spread of the former British Empire, which, by 1921, held sway over a population of about 470–570 million people: approximately a quarter of the world's population at that time[14]. Over the past 400 years, the form of the language used in the Americas—especially in the United States—and that used in the British Isles have diverged in many ways, leading to the dialects now commonly referred to as American English and British English. Differences between the two include pronunciation, grammar, vocabulary (lexis), spelling, punctuation, idioms, formatting of dates and numbers, and so on, although the differences in written and most spoken grammar structure tend to be much more minor than those of other aspects of the language in terms of mutual intelligibility. A small number of words have completely different meanings between the two dialects or are even unknown or not used in one of the dialects. One particular contribution towards formalizing these differences came from Noah Webster, who wrote the first American dictionary (published 1828) with the intention of showing that people in the United States spoke a different dialect from Britain. This divergence between American English and British English once caused George Bernard Shaw to say that the United States and United Kingdom are "two countries divided by a common language"; a similar comment is ascribed to Winston Churchill. Likewise, Oscar Wilde wrote, "We have really everything in common with America nowadays, except, of course, the language" (The Canterville Ghost, 1888). Henry Sweet predicted in 1877 that within a century, American English, Australian English and British English would be mutually unintelligible. There are enough differences to cause occasional misunderstandings or at times embarrassment – for example, some words that are quite innocent in one dialect may be considered vulgar in the other.

We can observe some differences in pronunciation in the past forms of such words as:

AmE learnt /lәnt/ – BrE learned /lз:nd/,

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